Qiming 1158

Chapter 1671 Term of office
In this regard, as a revival member, Lin Jingchun understands.

In pursuit of profit, these private operators dare not say what they can do. If there is no strict law enforcement, the people will suffer somewhat.

This concern is also one of the reasons why there was a strong opposition within the Ministry of Finance on this matter. Everyone has studied the third and fourth volumes of Su Yonglin's Hongwu Political Theory, and they are very concerned about the drawbacks of the private economy proposed by Su Yonglin. Research.

Su Yonglin said that people can do anything for money, and once the income exceeds expectations, people can trample on all the laws of the world.

But Su Yonglin did so resolutely, because in his opinion, a certain degree of free and flexible competition is more conducive to reform than a rigid system, and it is more in line with the interests of the people.

Moreover, people are afraid of death after all. Compared with not making money, people are more afraid of making money, but dying to spend it.

This leaves a possibility for regulation and a positive cycle.

After several years of development, Ming's private economy has begun to take shape, occupying a mainstream position in the open business industry, and batches of successful entrepreneurs have emerged. With the addition of national strength and status, they have achieved success. great success.

And then there are all kinds of illegal things in the pursuit of profit.

Such as cutting corners, such as using defective products to pass off as good products, such as using fake products to pass off as genuine products, such as quietly increasing prices to obtain higher profits, such as reducing employee wages to increase profits, etc.

These chaos occurred in the five years after the democratic reform with the prosperity and development of the private economy. Local officials continued to submit relevant cases and put forward various loopholes in the law, requesting the attention of the imperial court.

Then some officials who tried to ban the private economy began to jump up and down to reiterate their opinions, trying to win over like-minded people to go back.

Su Yonglin wrote an article expressing his clear opposition to giving up food due to choking, and also held a meeting of the executive committee to exercise his powers and formulate various temporary draft laws to deal with various emergencies.

After several years of chaos, the Ming Dynasty has issued more temporary "Food Safety Law" and "Clothing Material Safety Law", as well as a number of temporary legal provisions incorporated into the "Labor Law", which comprehensively take strict measures against such crimes. dispose of.

In mid-[-], the executive committee approved the death penalty against the main criminal, a restaurant operator, for a major food safety case.

Since then, in the two years of Republic [-] and Republic [-], Su Yonglin took a lot of contingency measures in response to a series of chaos in the private economic system.

Although the final issue of re-banning the private economy was dismissed because of Su Yonglin's huge influence, the matter itself is still serious in nature.

Therefore, one of Su Yonglin's main proposals at the second National People's Congress was the formal implementation of a series of laws and regulations for private economies.

Of course, there is no problem with the formal implementation. On top of this, Su Yonglin has covered the principle of two days off on ten days and the setting of public holidays to the private economy, requiring the private economy to abide by this law.

He can't allow unscrupulous things to happen because they are outside the system. Those who should be in charge must be in charge, no matter who it is, no matter how much energy it takes, no matter how many people are involved.

The matter of not blaming the public is even more severely criticized by Su Yonglin. In his opinion, the Ming Dynasty has already accomplished the complete liquidation of the old forces. Is there anything more difficult to do than the complete liquidation of the old forces?

You can even say the words of a complete ban one by one, so why would it be difficult for me to punish some of them?

All of these interim laws passed by the executive committee were unsurprisingly passed by the people's representative assembly and became official laws. A large net has been woven against the illegal activities of the private economy.

It's just one small thing to have the vacation system included in it.

Subsequent regulation is the real big deal.

And Su Yonglin wasn't worried about this, he didn't think these things could hinder him and Daming.

Then comes the real highlight.

Su Yonglin decided to officially implement a strict tenure system nationwide.

In order to implement this reform of the tenure system to the end, Su Yonglin decided to start with himself first, set his own tenure by example, and then gradually cover the people around him, and finally cover the entire Central Capital Court.

When he first had this idea, it was during the first general meeting, but considering that there were too many things that needed to be pushed forward, it would not be a good thing for the overall layout if he suddenly took too many steps.

He needs more time for people to accept this situation from the bottom of their hearts.

So five years ago, he didn't make that suggestion.

In the past five years, the people's representative conference system has begun to establish its own status nationwide, showing its strong sense of presence, and is gradually becoming a channel for the public to understand politics, and has become more and more influential among the people.

Although a public representative does not have any official position of responsibility, his presence is a symbol. When local officials and revival members do their jobs, they cannot avoid him.

Opponents still exist, but they are no longer climatic, the tide has already swept in, and the meager manpower can no longer stop it.

Therefore, five years after the establishment of the people's representative meeting, Su Yonglin felt that it was necessary to further promote reforms and determine more things.

However, regarding this matter, Su Yonglin felt that the people around him should be the most resistant, and the most supportive should be the majority of middle-level and grass-roots cadres, which is not the same as when the people's representative meeting was established.

After all, everyone wants to go up, and when the positions above are vacant, there is room for improvement for successors.

Just like army building, solid battalions and flowing soldiers are the secret of army building.

In terms of administration, officials with smooth functions and powers should also be the essence of administrative construction.

Only the focus is different.

Before this conference was held, Su Yonglin first put forward this suggestion within the executive committee, and communicated with everyone. Not surprisingly, everyone's faces were not so calm.

But it seems that their first consideration is not themselves who will be affected by the tenure system, but Su Yonglin.

Instead of arguing with Su Yonglin about the tenure system itself, they used the part involving Su Yonglin to argue with Su Yonglin.

Su Yonglin meant that the chairman of the executive committee was elected for a term of five years and could be re-elected up to two times. After that, he had to step down and could not continue to serve as the chairman of the executive committee. This position had nothing to do with it.

If this proposal is passed at this meeting of the people's representatives, it means that Su Yonglin will step down as the supreme leader of the Daming Democratic Republic in ten years, and the Ming Kingdom will face the situation of losing Su Yonglin's leadership.

The shock and unacceptability of this incident overwhelmed the members of the executive committee who were worried about themselves.

Because Su Yonglin's prestige is too high.

(End of this chapter)