shadow of britain

Chapter 582 Iron and Blood
The late autumn night was dimly reflected in the restaurant through the heavy velvet curtains. Several chandeliers hung above the long table, illuminating the entire room like daylight.

The table in the restaurant was covered with a clean linen tablecloth, and was set with exquisite tableware and silver candlesticks, with candlelight flickering with a warm glow.

Various dishes were placed on the table in order, including French Provencal potato stew, German classic salted pork knuckle with bread, and purple-red Russian borscht.

In addition, Arthur also carefully selected several wines that suit the students' tastes but have low alcohol content. He hopes that everyone can relax but not lose control.

These include Alexandre Dumas' lifelong love: the eight-year-old reserve from Bordeaux's Château Margaux, and Gevrey-Chambertin, which Napoleon often drank.

There are also British favorites, port wine from Portugal's Douro Valley and sherry from Spain's Jerez region.

Of course, the wines include the German nobles' favorite 'Rheingau Riesling', which also comes from a famous winery in Europe - Schloss Johannesberg.

The wide variety of dishes and drinks seemed to hint to the guests that tonight's atmosphere was diverse and open.

Compared to Gestapo members like Bismarck, American student John Motley was obviously much more relaxed.

He picked up the bottle of Gevrey-Chambertin on the table, stared at the label and couldn't help laughing: "I know this kind of wine. If Mr. Gauss saw it, he would probably go crazy."

Dumas laughed and said, "It seems that Mr. Gauss is a man who knows how to enjoy life. His taste is exactly the same as Napoleon's."

Mr. Shuberan, a master member of the Pomeranian Sabre Society who had been recruited by Bismarck, replied in fear and trepidation: "Sir, I'm afraid you misunderstood. Motley said that Mr. Gauss would go crazy because this wine was Napoleon's favorite. Everyone who has taken Mr. Gauss's class knows how much he hates Napoleon and the Revolution."

"Gauss hates Napoleon and the Revolution?" Dumas thought reflexively, "Is he a conservative? I thought a scholar like him would support republicanism."

Bismarck, who knew the true identities of the people in front of him, replied awkwardly: "Mr. Gauss may not be a conservative, but it is completely reasonable for him to hate Napoleon. After Napoleon's army captured Göttingen, the teaching and research work of the University of Göttingen came to a standstill, and the French also asked him to pay a war tax of 2000 francs."

Shuberan then added: "But this is not the worst. You should know that Mr. Gauss's family background is not good. The reason why he was able to go to university was because he was appreciated by Karl Ferdinand, Duke of Brunswick. Since he was 14 years old, the Duke has never stopped supporting him. Mr. Gauss has always been grateful for the Duke's kindness, and even wrote "Dedicated to the Duke" on the title page of every academic monograph he published.

However, in the Battle of Jena in 1806, the Duke died heroically in the battle against Napoleon. And nine years later, in the Battle of Waterloo, the old Duke's son, the "Black Duke" Friedrich Wilhelm, also died gloriously while leading the army. For Mr. Gauss, there is probably no one in the world who has hurt him more than Napoleon. "

When Dumas heard this, the republican spirit that had just been ignited in his heart was instantly poured with a bucket of cold water.

Although he wanted to point out that Gauss's views were incorrect, judging from what happened to Gauss, it seemed that there was nothing he could blame even if he hated Napoleon.

However, Dumas still wanted to save some face for the Revolution: "It's OK to hate Napoleon. There are also many French Republicans who oppose Napoleon. But Gauss hated the Revolution because he hated Napoleon. Isn't this a bit wrong?"

Bismarck, who usually did not dare to express his opinions in front of Arthur due to the "letter of recommendation", took the opportunity to make a comment.

"I think Professor Gauss's views are very consistent. If it weren't for the Great Revolution, how could France have produced a freak like Napoleon who usurped power? The ideals of the Great Revolution and Napoleon's slogans sound very strange. They said they would unite the whole of Europe with freedom and democracy, but in fact they mobilized the National Guard and the Old Guard. If anyone opposed their views, they would become a reactionary against progress. There is no more ridiculous scam in the world than this.

Because according to the historical records I have read in books, it is easy to get a clear point: if anyone thinks that Europe is a unified entity with the ability to act together, then he is very wrong. Europa is just a geographical concept, and other than that it is a colloquial idiom. And the people who like to use this idiom are mainly those who use the banner of Europe to encourage others to take advantage of the situation. The European Community is like a ghost, a completely unreal imagination. "

At this point, Bismarck did not forget to make amends for himself: "Of course, what I read in the book is not necessarily correct. Because historians often look at things from their own standpoints, everyone looks at things subjectively, and those things that are really important are often not written into the archives."

However, although Bismarck had tried to make amends, after thinking about it, he felt that this passage might still be too harsh for the liberals.

He looked around nervously, but to his surprise, no one present spoke out to refute his point of view. Even Heine, the senior student whom he thought was the most liberal, did not curse at anyone.

On the contrary, the great German poet clinked his wine glass with Bismarck and said, "Otto, I'm sorry, I used to think you were just an ordinary college student. But what you said today really impressed me. Although the truth in it may not be entirely correct, it is enough to distinguish you from most of the idiots in Göttingen University."

Garibaldi and other members of Young Italy did not say anything, they just smiled bitterly.

Perhaps they once believed in the so-called European unity and the great union of peoples under the banner of freedom, but after the disastrous defeat of the expedition to Savoy, it was difficult for them to believe in internationalism.

Not only did the French government fail to send troops to support Young Italy as they had promised after the expedition, but they actively cooperated with Austria and the Kingdom of Sardinia to arrest Young Italy and the French Republicans who supported the Italian Revolution.

As for the Bonapartists who once shouted for one emperor for one Europe, they watched coldly at everything that happened in Italy and were unwilling to even say a word of support.

And what about the British?
Perhaps Britain provided more help than France on the issue of the Italian Revolution, but it was still extremely limited.

Although the British gave Young Italy a certain amount of financial assistance, if one looks closely, Garibaldi is more inclined to believe that the 10,000 francs was a personal donation from his friend Arthur.

How did the British government respond to the Savoy expedition?

After the action took place, the British Foreign Secretary, Viscount Palmerston, immediately mocked his old rival and opponent, the Austrian Prime Minister Metternich, ridiculing Austria for being bound to face more similar problems in the future if it did not pass a liberal constitution in the northern Italian states controlled by Austria.

Metternich's response to Viscount Palmerston was to have the German Confederation pass an amendment to the Carlsbad Resolution to prove that things were still under Austria's control.

But beyond that?
Did the British do anything?

The UK government has provided everything but help.

They allowed Mazzini and other core members of the Young Italy to go into exile in London, giving them nominal freedom. But in reality, the activities of Mazzini and others were completely monitored by plainclothes police from Scotland Yard to ensure that they would not cause any major trouble in London.

Mazzini made it clear in his letter to Garibaldi that he considered the British as unreliable as the French, and he had no doubt that there was a plan to sell out Young Italy under the desk of the British Foreign Office. The reason they did not do so now was entirely because of the bad relationship between Viscount Palmerston and Metternich, and the British Foreign Office also believed that the price offered by Austria was worthless.

Although the British completely abolished slavery in their homeland and overseas territories this year, no one has forgotten how they made a fortune in the triangular trade. The British have a lot of experience in buying and selling human lives. Garibaldi kept these words in his heart and did not tell Arthur.

After all, Arthur took such a big risk to save their lives this time. If he said such inhumane words again, it would hurt his heart.

But in fact, it would not matter if Garibaldi told Arthur this.

He did not know his friend well, nor did he know Arthur's views on the various departments in Whitehall Street.

Because in Arthur's opinion, they were just a bunch of clowns busy defending their tables and chairs.

The Treasury is the epitome of double-dealing, with its misers squeezing every last penny out of the taxpayer while sipping champagne glasses at banquets to promote the virtues of simplicity and frugality.

As for Arthur's old superior, the Home Office, it is even more interesting. The Home Office is more keen on monitoring its own citizens than any detective. The Home Office's surveillance tradition is much longer than Arthur's Secret Intelligence Service, as if every citizen who opens the morning newspaper is a rebellious conspirator, and every fireplace in every household does not lead to the chimney, but to the Palace of Versailles.

The War and Colonial Office were big fans of colouring-in games, and they wanted to fill every map with little flags, as if every piece of territory belonged to the British Empire.

But when it really came to action, they started to be evasive and shrank back faster than mice, as if their strategy was 'It's best not to fight, but if we fight, if we win it will be my credit, and if we lose it will not be my responsibility'.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs?

Haha, they are really like clowns on the stage, the best of all comedies.

They are busy whispering a string of insignificant rhetoric in the king's ear every day, and then use elegant etiquette to cover up their inaction at the international negotiation table. Everyone there is proficient in making the most mediocre nonsense sound high-sounding.

Every diplomatic negotiation is like a carefully choreographed drama, and every ambassador is an actor in gorgeous costumes.

They can use elegant words to package all failures into great victories, call helpless concessions "strategic adjustments", and call terrifying misjudgments "failure is the mother of success." If you believe their words, you should really doubt whether you are still living in the real world.

Of course, Arthur's words cannot be taken completely seriously. After all, as an out-of-date old farce actor and once the hottest comedian in London, it is normal for him to complain about the theater's performance arrangements.

When Bismarck saw that everyone appreciated his words, the young man's courage gradually grew.

The young man's nature of loving to show off made him begin to criticize the German system.

"Of course, what I said does not mean that the governments of the German states are any better. In my opinion, the federal government is simply a long-lasting farce. Look at Prussia. They have a lot of soldiers and cannons, but they pretend to be peacemakers, as if their bayonets are used to pierce flowers. Oh, don't get me wrong, they are indeed good at piercing things - especially behind the backs of their allies.

As for Austria, it is even more ridiculous. The ministers in Vienna are too busy, dancing and drinking in the court every day, and then in every meeting, they try their best to prove that they are still the "big brother of Germany", but what is the reality? They are like a gorgeous old ship, which looks bright on the outside but has long been rotten under the water.

But the most interesting are the small states. Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover... They are like a group of boastful little roosters, desperately asserting their independence and dignity in their respective territories, as if they are really capable of fighting for a place for themselves among the great powers. But once Prussia or Austria coughs gently in their ears, they immediately hide in their own nests like mice seeing a cat, with their tails between their legs.

Bismarck's joke immediately livened up the atmosphere at the scene, and senior student Heine even stood up and applauded the junior student.

Bismarck took a puff of his cigarette contentedly, put on a stern look, and commented as if Voltaire was possessed: "After all, the whole of Germany is like a set of crooked building blocks. Each state is trying to prevent its small piece from being taken away by others, but no one has the courage to glue these building blocks together firmly. Oh! They can hold meetings and have held them for decades, but after each meeting, our great confederation is left with more agreements and treaties, pieces of paper without real power. Sometimes I really want to ask these so-called "leaders": Are you ruling a country, or running a club that may go bankrupt at any time? They are not as efficient as us, the Gestapo."

Heine nodded in appreciation. "It seems that I am not the only one who has realized that our Confederation Congress is simply the pinnacle of comedy. Those old and frail politicians sit in the ornately decorated conference hall, talking and weaving endless webs with obscure legal terms, but they never think about whether these nets can catch anything. Anyway, as long as everyone can continue to hold meetings, drink tea, and keep everything "in order" on the surface, it is enough."

After he finished speaking, his face once again showed his usual cynical, melancholy and profound expression, which was always very lethal to ladies and young people.

There was a hint of scornful irony in Heine's voice: "Germany, this land full of poets and thinkers, always makes people feel that the people here are better at dreaming than taking action. Every one of them can talk endlessly about philosophy and eternal truth in the beer hall, as if all the mysteries of the world are hidden in the yellow foam of beer. But once they really need to stand up and do something, they immediately fall into endless meditation and hesitation, as if waiting for a saint to come down from the sky and show them the way."

When Arthur heard this, he just smiled and asked, "Are you still going to stop the Germans from having the right to dream, Heinrich?"

"No, on the contrary, I want to encourage them." Heine snorted: "As we all know, the air here is the best for dreaming."

Garibaldi heard such discouraging words and couldn't help but want to cheer everyone up: "It's always good to dream. I have been dreaming too. I dream of achieving the unification of Italy."

Arthur took a sip of his drink: "Giuseppe, it seems that you and Otto will have a lot in common."

He turned his gaze to Bismarck: "I heard that you have a lot of opinions on the unification of Germany. Recently, you gave a speech at the Student Union, saying that Germany will have a unified country sooner or later. Is that right?"

Arthur asked with a smile, as if just casually bringing up the topic, but there was a sly flash in his eyes that betrayed the old cop's sinister intentions.

He invited Bismarck to dinner today just to turn this excuse into an accompli.

How to convince a young man who thinks he can use Young Italy as leverage against the school supervisor?

The answer is naturally to let him become a part of it.

Bismarck, overjoyed, raised his eyebrows and laughed drunkenly: "Yes, I did. Sooner or later, those Confederation bureaucrats will realize that without a strong center, Germany will always be just a piece of scattered puzzle. Although I don't agree with all the views of those petty citizens, I also support the unification of Germany."

He shook his wine glass, with a hint of impatience in his eyes. He seemed to see the scene many years later when he represented Prussia at the German Confederation Conference.

Perhaps sensing the spirit of Frederick the Great, Bismarck pounded his fist on the table and shouted, "What Germany needs is iron and blood, not a piece of paper!"

(End of this chapter)