I seek economic hegemony in the Three Kingdoms

Chapter 457 There is always a structure suitable for big men
In times of war, powerful powers need to stand up and pool resources for foreign wars.

In times of peace, it is even more necessary to decentralize power and give more space to the people.

A truly wealthy society relies on the development of society as a whole.

Give the people opportunities and time.

Liu Chan understood, and so did Zhuge Liang.

I believe many people in this era understand.

After all, the era entered the Three Kingdoms period, and imperial power had not yet begun to be concentrated.

The imperial power truly began to be concentrated when the prime minister disappeared and the three provinces and six ministries were able to discuss politics with the prime ministers.

But even though the Tang Dynasty had a group of ministers discussing politics, the power structure of the Tang Dynasty was still distributed at multiple points.

It means that a considerable part of Datang's annual fiscal revenue is retained in the local area for local use.

Besides, the prime minister of the Tang Dynasty had great power to appoint and remove personnel.

Finally, there are local governors who still have some military power.

Weapons manufacturing and military training were available in all states in the Tang Dynasty.

For example, Qinghe is known as the Northern Library of the Tang Dynasty.

These are all manifestations of the strength of local forces, and they can also be regarded as manifestations that the imperial power of the Tang Dynasty has not yet completed its concentration.

The concentration of imperial power started in the Tang Dynasty, but matured in the Song Dynasty, was perfected in the Ming Dynasty, and reached its peak in the Qing Dynasty.

In the Song Dynasty, the local government was not allowed to retain the annual fiscal revenue, and all was transported to the capital.

The local government cannot be in charge of the imperial army. The Xiang army is all workers who work for relief.

Therefore, during the Anshi Rebellion in the Tang Dynasty, various places could quickly organize resistance.

From the beginning of the Song Dynasty to the Jingkang period, after the Jin army defeated the border troops, the Song Dynasty was in a state of collapse.

Not to mention the Ming Dynasty.

This was the Three Kingdoms era, which was a period of chaos after the fall of the Eastern Han Dynasty.

The Eastern Han Dynasty was an era when aristocratic families rose to power.

Before the rise of powerful aristocratic families, it was an era of numerous vassal states.

The local power of the vassal states is still higher than that of the powerful families. The vassal states have independent judicial, military, financial, administrative and personnel powers.

The favor orders issued during the period of Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty finally eliminated the vassal states, and a vacuum of local power appeared in a short period of time. Only then did Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty have the opportunity to extend his influence to every corner of the Han Dynasty.

But with the development of the times, the vassal states collapsed, and local celebrities accumulated wealth and fame, and their families became larger and larger in the local area. Finally, in the late Western Han Dynasty, powerful families emerged.

From then on, Chinese politics entered an era when imperial power and powerful families coexisted, which was the history from the Eastern Han Dynasty to the Tang Dynasty.

During the Three Kingdoms period when the family was unprecedentedly powerful, Liu Chan did not have the concept of imperial power being able to arbitrate everything in his mind.

Let's talk about three provinces and six ministries. This is a typical organization that splits the power of the prime minister.

Since the establishment of the three provinces, no one can run the government and govern affairs, and there will no longer be powerful ministers like Huo Guang, Cao Cao, and Zhuge Liang.

Liu Chan did not have the concept of strict supervision of the prime minister by the imperial censor and the admonishment court, let alone take over all finances from the capital.

Naturally, he could easily accept Li Heng's statement.

The only thing he cared about was whether the emperor of the Liu family would be deposed at will like in the late Later Han Dynasty.

And Li Heng also told him that the prime minister's power had also been cut off.

"What if the army rebels?" Liu Chan finally asked the last question.

The issue is somewhat sensitive, especially at this critical point in time.

Yizhou's relationship with Li Heng is not like that with Zhuge Liang.

The cooperation between Yizhou and Li Heng is more like a pure cooperation of interests, lacking emotional precipitation.

According to the distribution of power in the monarchy era, Li Heng is already seriously disadvantaged.

Yizhou knew it, and so did Li Heng.

Everyone is tacit.

Perhaps the most important reason why no formal document has been issued to transfer Li Heng back to the capital is that Cao Wei has not yet been destroyed.

External contradictions remain the main contradiction.

"The first is to return the power to mobilize troops to the court; the second is to separate the soldiers and generals. The Zhechong captain and the general who leads the troops in the war belong to different departments. Generals are temporarily appointed during wartime." This actually divides the general power into three.

The power to mobilize troops, train troops and command troops are separated.

This is the typical military and political structure under the government army system during the Tang Dynasty.

It not only ensured that the court could control the army, but also limited the influence of generals on the army.

"What about the generals stationed on the frontier?"

"The generals stationed on the frontier are on rotation."

"Rotation?"

"Replacement occurs every five years. The replacement will be submitted by the General's Office and approved by the Constitution Bureau."

Liu Chan was finally satisfied with this answer.

If it is approved by the Kensi, then the general's office will have checks and balances on military personnel appointments, and successive generals will not be able to install their cronies at will.

The system of Kensi can not only supervise the administrative promulgation of the Prime Minister's Office, but also supervise the military.

Of course, the Kensi has supervisory power but no execution power.

"What if there's a war?"

"If a general's term of office expires during wartime, the general's office will report it in advance."

"Approval from the Constitution Bureau?"

"Yes."

"Then I, the emperor, have nothing to do?"

"Your Majesty just rules the country, why do you need to do it yourself?"

Liu Chan thought for a while, this was also a choice.

According to Li Heng's power theory, power is divided into various departments, and responsibilities are also shared among various departments.

If something goes wrong in the end, it's definitely not the emperor's problem.

"I know all the general's thoughts."

Li Heng said: "I have an ignorant opinion."

"No, the general is right." Liu Chan stood with his hands behind his hands and looked up at the morning glow in the distance.

There was a rare hint of silence on his face.

"After the decline of the Han Dynasty, the princes rose up in chaos, and the world has been suffering from war for a long time." Liu Chan said, "If the emperor does whatever he wants, even if the world is unified, the people will suffer miserably. If the princes can easily switch sides, the war will continue."

"The general has restricted me, the emperor, the courtiers, and the local dignitaries. He has set restrictions at all levels, which has greatly curbed the source of the unrest."

Li Heng was shocked. He didn't expect Liu Chan to say these words.

Maybe Liu Chan thought of it himself, or maybe Zhuge Liang told him in advance.

But regardless of whether Zhuge Liang analyzed it for him or not, he could accept it calmly, which shows that he is indeed an enlightened person.

In other words, he can be regarded as a person who does not care about power and selfishness.

In fact, for the second-generation Shouchengzhijun, what worries him most is not his talent, but his ambition.

Whether ambition and talent match each other has been a big problem throughout the ages.

Even if you have talent, there are many people who mess up a good situation when you are ambitious.

Because the development of things does not change according to human will.

Everyone is a participant, not a leader.

Even the emperor could not find a way to feed everyone everywhere.

He can only gather his ministers and agree on the most appropriate national policy based on the actual situation to ensure that some people have a surplus of food in their homes.

From the rule of Wenjing to the rule of Zhenguan, to the prosperous age of Kaiyuan, the four emperors in these three eras actually implemented the small government of Huang Lao's rule.

Li Shimin, in particular, made repeated orders to limit bureaucratic interference in local affairs and try his best to prevent officials from competing for profits with the people.

In the hundred years between Li Shimin and Li Longji, Datang's huge profits from salt were directly given to the people.

It was not until later during the reign of Emperor Suzong and Li Heng of the Tang Dynasty that the Fifth Qi implemented the salt law and the Tang Dynasty began to monopolize salt.

(End of this chapter)