Struggle in Soviet Russia

When the battalion commander in the camp sacrifices, the deputy battalion commander will take over as the battalion commander. In the same way, when the battalion political commissar is sacrificed, the deputy political commissar will take over as the political commissar. If all the leaders in the camp are sacrificed, then The positions of commanders and political commissars will be quickly elected from the grassroots party members.

If all party members are sacrificed, they can choose from candidate party members or party activists. If all those connected with the party are sacrificed, then there will be members of the Communist Youth League. The role of the grassroots party committee will not disappear until the entire camp is killed.

In other words, as long as there are Bolshevik party members and even members of the Communist Youth League in the camp, then this unit can continue to fight without surrendering or losing its most basic combat effectiveness.

According to Victor, only by establishing such a direct party committee system in the army can the Soviet Red Army be built into an efficient army that is loyal to the Bolshevik Party and has the ability to organize itself.

What is self-organization ability? To put it bluntly, once the formed units are broken up, the broken small units will soon be able to organize themselves and re-form a combat-capable unit.

Why do you say that? Because according to the revised party constitution, an organization with three party members should form a party group or a temporary party committee. In any small unit that has been defeated, as long as there are three party members, regardless of whether there is a commander or not, it can be quickly organized. A leading agency to lead the collapsed unit.

People can imagine this party committee system as a fission and reproduction cell. When the army is complete, the party committee is a big cell. Once the army is dispersed, this cell will divide and multiply quickly. It can guarantee any division. All organizations that go out are organized, conscious, and capable of action.

Victor believes that only when such a party committee system is widely implemented in the Soviet Red Army system can the party's absolute leadership over the military be ensured while ensuring the strength of the military.

To put it bluntly, although this system promotes the "dual leader system," in essence, it does not promote dual leadership, but collective leadership. The actual leadership of the entire army is actually party committees at all levels.

From the perspective of the upper-level structure, it actually puts the General Political Department and the General Staff on an equal position. Under this structure, even a well-known military commander like Zhukov has not obtained the party committee. Under the circumstances that will be recognized, even one platoon can't be mobilized.

I recorded my thoughts one by one in the notebook, and wrote six or seven pages eloquently. Of course, these things that Victor wrote at this time can only be regarded as the draft of the report, and some things are not logical.

After he has recorded all his thoughts, he still needs to rearrange it to form a clear, logical and formal report.

It’s not that the Soviet Union has not implemented the dual-chief system. It can even be said that the political commissar system was still implemented in the military until October last year.

However, the dual-chief system implemented in the Soviet army is not the same as the party committee system proposed by Victor. At the same time, the rule that three party members must form a party group does not exist in the army.

Of course, these ideas that Victor put forward are not his own original creations. In fact, he just copied the domestic system from the previous life. The strong self-organization ability is the most significant feature of the domestic army.

Fundamentally speaking, in China's war of resistance against Japan at this time, especially in the battlefield behind enemy lines, this ability has been fully demonstrated. The same anti-Japanese armed forces behind enemy lines can easily be divided into two or even more than one. Even if the commander is sacrificed, the various branch units can continue to fight. Conversely, the scattered armed forces can be quickly integrated into one and launch an offensive against the enemy with superior forces.

Divide, combine, and change freely. This kind of thing seems simple to say, but in fact it is very difficult, because it embodies a powerful self-organization ability.

Just like the situation on the Soviet-German battlefield, the Soviet army was annihilated at every turn, and hundreds of thousands or even hundreds of thousands of troops were annihilated. In the real battle, it was not that so many people gave up resistance at once. , Chose to surrender to the Germans. It was that the formed units were broken up, and the retreating units lacked effective organizational capabilities and could no longer form an effective command. They were finally captured by the Germans.

Why did the Soviet army set up a large number of transfer stations behind the battlefield? Isn't it because the retreating troops were unable to organize themselves effectively, so that they needed to rout to the back of the battlefield, and then gather and reorganize.

Writing for a long time makes my wrists a little sore, and my eyes are a little sore.

Victor stopped, buckled the pen, put it aside, and rubbed his fingers gently at the temples.

After a while, feeling a little more comfortable in his eyes, he put his hands down and looked down at what he had written down.

The military is an absolute violent machine. Its strength is directly related to the security and stability of a country, but it is also a double-edged sword. If it is not controlled well, it will become the most turbulent one. Good tools.

Political organizations and the military system are not naturally opposed, but there is also a competitive relationship between them. Once the vested interest groups in the military system form sufficient influence on politics, a lot of troubles will arise.

Of course, Victor’s view of the problem has not yet reached the position of the entire league. The reason why he prepared such a report has only two purposes: first, to show his loyalty to Comrade Stalin, and second, Actually restrict the military's power, thereby providing an insurance for his own future.

Victor knows very well that once his report is submitted, it goes without saying that he will offend the entire military interest group, which includes not only those from the General Staff, but also those from the academics, of course, also There are those from the old cavalry army.

But having said that, from his perspective, he obviously has no more choices. As a person from the NKVD, he would not be recognized by the military by nature, even if he did not do it. In the future, once the military can exert sufficient influence over Moscow's power core, he will not end well.

If he stays in place, someday in the future, those in the military might "don't mind" shooting him in the back of his head, and taking this step, at most, those in the military would be "very happy" in the back of his head. Fire a shot.

How should a normal person choose between "don't mind" and "very happy"? The answer is of course not to choose either, but to do everything possible to prevent them from shooting this shot.

Therefore, what Victor has to do is to put a curse on the military's head to exclude them from the political power struggle. In this way, in the absence of the military, he is in charge of the National Security People’s Committee. And Beria, who controls the People’s Committee of the Interior, can’t he still take the initiative in the political struggle?

Victor intends to secretly submit this report to Comrade Stalin during the Tehran Conference. He knew that even Comrade Stalin could not implement a proposal like this in a short period of time, at least, before the end of the war. , It is impossible to take any substantive action.

In the Soviet Red Army system, the political commissar system adopted before was absolutely castrated, but even that system has been repeatedly resisted by the military, not to mention the system he has proposed today. To be sure, if this plan is proposed in the current environment, there will be no chance of implementation.

Comrade Stalin is not a person who lacks a concept of the overall situation. In the current war environment, even if there are conflicts between him and those in the General Staff, he still maintains sufficient restraint.

According to Victor's estimation, if Comrade Stalin decides to adopt his suggestion, he will inevitably wait until the end of the war and after he has completely suppressed certain emerging military generals, he will look for an opportunity to forcefully promote this plan.

But for Victor, he could not wait until that time to propose this plan to Comrade Stalin, because it was not conducive to his gaining confidence in Comrade Stalin.

Most importantly, Victor hopes to use this report to send himself to the Organization Committee of the CPSU Central Committee.

In this report, the content of the revision of the party constitution is involved. At the same time, the construction of the party committee is also an issue of organizational construction. According to the current organizational structure of the CPSU, such a bill should be in charge of the Central Committee of the CPSU. The Organization Department and the Central Organization Committee of the Party Committee work.

If Comrade Stalin agrees with this plan, then as the proponent of this bill, Victor is naturally the best promoter of the plan, and at the same time, Comrade Stalin is the most reliable person when promoting this plan.

If you are lucky, Comrade Stalin may gradually send Victor to the organization committee in the next few years, giving him the title of organization committee member.

The Organizational Committee of the Central Committee of the CPSU is a subsidiary of the Political Bureau and Secretariat of the Central Committee. In other words, as an organization member, it is logical to add members to the Politburo or transfer to the Secretariat.

Considering the issues of age and qualifications, Victor doesn't think he will be able to enter the Politburo in a few years, at the age of early thirties, but entering the Secretariat is obviously a very good choice.

Step back ten thousand steps, even if you have stayed in the position of an organization committee member for more than ten years, you can be a running dog for Malinkov and Beria for more than ten years, and when you enter the Politburo at the age of fifty, can it still be counted? Is it late?