Struggle in Soviet Russia

Victor hates fighting with people, especially the kind of intrigue, but this does not mean that he is not good at fighting, not good at intrigue. Generally speaking, there is no direct correlation between whether he likes or is good at intrigue.

In fact, since he was reborn in this world, Victor has always been relatively low-key in his style of behavior. He is rare, and it can even be said that he avoids conflicts with others as much as possible. It is just conflicts in life or conflicts in work. , All so.

The reason for this has something to do with Victor's own character, and of course, it has a lot to do with his rebirth experience.

In his previous life, Victor was an authentic Chinese, and his nationality determined his introverted and low-key personality, such attributes as openness and combativeness, which were not in his character genes. In addition, in the early years of rebirth, Victor’s daily thoughts were how to keep himself alive. He had a misunderstanding of the world, that is, the Soviet Union in this era is full of crises. Be careful, it may let him send his life away.

It was precisely because of this emotion that Victor had no sense of belonging to the world or country in the first more than a year. His only idea was to live safely and stay as far away from the war as possible-one mind. It is impossible for people who want to stay away from war to like to fight, and people who lack a sense of belonging to this country, let alone conflict with others easily.

Over time, Victor gradually cultivated himself a temperament that was close to that of an old man. When facing struggles and even provocations, his first thought was not to fight back, but to first consider whether it was possible to bypass and whether it was possible. Avoid fighting.

This point can be seen from his personnel arrangements for the National Security People’s Committee. As the chairman of the National Security People’s Committee, his ambition is only to keep his control of the General Administration of Foreign Intelligence. In addition, For other departments and other positions, there are no more attempts.

In the specific work of the committee department, Victor’s attitude is also the same. As the main person in charge of such a special department, when he takes over any case, the first thing he thinks of is not how to handle the corresponding case well, but How to handle the case so as not to involve as many people as possible.

With this level of concern and consideration, then, fundamentally speaking, Victor is no longer suitable for the current job. At least, the post of Chairman of the People's Committee of National Security is not suitable for him.

In fact, departments such as the People’s Committee of National Security and the People’s Committee of the Interior have existed since the day they were established to offend people because of their functions and nature. It is impossible to attract hostility.

Victor didn’t want to get too much blood on his hands, and he didn’t want to be too conspicuous in political struggles. In his opinion, if he could choose a good position, then he would hide aside for awkward development. The best. During the whole process, I had a protective umbrella on my head, but I didn't have to go out and charge into the battle, I could do something down-to-earth...

But in his vision, there is a problem that is obviously not ignored. After he chose to stand in the team, those who acted as umbrellas for him, to be precise, are the two comrades Malinkov and Beria. Instead of hiding him under his wings and enjoying his success, he hoped that he could play his role in fighting against different factions.

More unfortunately, for those who have conflicts of interest with Malinkov and Beria, once Victor chooses to stand on their side, then he becomes an enemy. In the next political struggle, those people It is impossible to directly target Malinkov or Beria. After all, the risk is too high. The first thing they must target is an existence like Victor.

In any high-level political struggle, the two parties in the struggle will not come up to assassinate the king and target the core members of the other party. Instead, the metropolis will first cut off the other's wings, and then advance to the core step by step. In the struggle between Malinkov and Beria, Victor clearly belongs to the "wing" layer.

In the past two years, Victor has not encountered too much trouble, mainly because the alliance is in war. Even people who are irrational will not choose to engage in internal political struggle at this time. More importantly, those who can, or have the opportunity to pose a threat to Malinkov and the Beria group, basically rarely have the opportunity to return to Moscow.

Like Comrade Zhdanov, he stayed in Leningrad for a long time; Khrushchev served as a military commissar in several fronts on the southern front, and he did not have much time to return to Moscow; Comrade Kaganovich was not here. The supervision of the war in the Caucasus region is dealing with many problems of railway transportation, and the chances of staying in Moscow are very few. As for Comrade Molotov, he did not even stay in the Union for a long time, let alone fighting for power...

To put it bluntly, the past three years of war not only created the most favorable opportunity for Victor's development, but also created the most favorable opportunity for the development of Malinkov, Beria and others.

But now, with the Soviet counteroffensive on the front line, the German army's defeat is set, especially with the liberation of most parts of Ukraine and the lifting of the siege of Leningrad, that political stability is about to be broken. Of course, This also means that the main contradiction is changing, and with this change, Victor can naturally feel the changes in the external environment.

The German blockade of Leningrad was broken. As the front line was gradually pushed away from Leningrad, the redeployment of the Leningrad Front has become a foregone conclusion. Then, Comrade Zhdanov, the Leningrad Front’s The military commissars naturally have to change the direction of their work.

During the siege of more than two years, Comrade Zhdanov established a strong prestige in Leningrad. This is something no one can match. To put it bluntly, even Comrade Stalin’s prestige in the Leningrad region cannot be compared. Comrade Zhdanov is on par. Then, in the next step, Comrade Zhdanov, based on the political group he gathered in Leningrad, returned to Moscow in a high-profile manner, and expanded his position and prestige in the entire alliance, and it became inevitable.

If the Leningrad faction, headed by Comrade Zhdanov, wants to develop into Moscow and gain an advantage within the alliance, it will inevitably threaten a series of old vested interest groups, and conflicts between them are inevitable. .

Of course, this kind of conflict may not be a life-and-death type, but one of them must be willing to stubbornly or be completely overthrown. For now, the key point is only that Comrade Zhdanov and his Leninger Lepai will choose which party is the primary strike target.

In the last two years, among the power cores in Moscow, Malinkov and Beria have risen the fastest. Apart from the small group they formed, the next closest is Comrade Khrushchev. A small group headed by.

Khrushchev himself is a member of the Politburo. Not long ago, Bulganin, who was closely related to him, also entered the Politburo. Although his ranking and qualifications are very low, he is still an existence that cannot be ignored.

In addition, as an almost transparent existence in the Politburo, the relationship between Mikoyan and Khrushchev is also very ambiguous. Although the two lack contact at work, their personal friendship is very deep.

As for the relationship between Khrushchev and Kaganovich, this is not worth worrying about, although Kaganovich should be regarded as Khrushchev's bole, the latter is completely promoted by the former. However, in the last two years, Khrushchev seems to be deliberately pulling the relationship with Kaganovich. If nothing else, Khrushchev should have noticed Comrade Stalin’s growing resentment towards Jews. Kaganovich happened to be a Jew. It is obviously a wise choice to draw a line in advance with this scary old comrade who runs the train with his mouth full and has low EQ.

In general, with the war for more than two years and nearly three years, Moscow’s inner circle of power does not seem to have changed much, but in fact there are still some changes. The small groups of Malinkov and Beria have followed The rise in the status of the two people in the party has replaced the old Voroshilov, Kaganovich and others, and has become a force that cannot be ignored in the Politburo.

Following closely behind was the small group of People's Committee for Foreign Affairs with Molotov at its core. Considering the close relationship between Kalinin, Andreev, and Molotov, this small group is not weak.

After that, it was the small group with Khrushchev at the core, and their rise was not slow, but it was not so dazzling.

Considering these realities, once Comrade Zhdanov and his Leningrad faction march into Moscow, the first thing to deal with should be the small group of Malinkov and Beria. Just as Viktor considered before, Yiwo Znetshinsky came to replace Malinkov and Kuznetsov to restrict Beria. This is probably the plan of Comrade Zhdanov.

Considering his position, Victor knew very well that once Kuznetsov really entered the secretariat and succeeded Beria as the secretary of the secretariat responsible for overseeing the work of the NKVD and the NKVD, then He, the chairman of the People's Committee of National Security, will be the primary goal of the other party.

Therefore, the reality is already in front of him. Whether he likes the idea of ​​fighting or not can't determine whether the fight will come. At this time, Victor can't help but think about how to keep his position.