Struggle in Soviet Russia

Although the question raised by Comrade Stalin was not consistent with the question he wanted to explain, Victor still had a sense of relief. At least, the leader did not continue to struggle with the issue of Lviv.

"Yes, I agree with the proposal to abolish the special committee of the NKVD," Victor thought for a while and said, "The establishment of the NKVD special committee back then had its historical necessity and particularity, and it was also the kind of society at that time. The needs of the environment and development stage. But now, nearly ten years have passed, especially since the end of the war, the international and domestic situation of the alliance has undergone tremendous changes. Under this new situation, I think we will continue It is no longer appropriate to keep this department."

Comrade Stalin did not reply directly. His brows were slightly frowned, his right hand was placed on the table in front of him, and a few fingers tapped gently on the table in turn. After a long time, he said: "I don't agree with your point of view. , Victor Viktorovich, or rather, I don’t fully agree with you."

After he finished speaking, he touched his pocket, took his pipe out of his pocket, and gestured to Victor again, saying: "You can light a cigarette. I know you have a big addiction."

Victor smiled, took out a pack of cigarettes from his pocket, and took out a lighter by the way. He waited for Comrade Stalin to install the tobacco and light his pipe for him before lighting a cigarette for himself.

"The work of the NKVD and the NKVD has always been special," said Comrade Stalin after smoking a pipe. "I think that as national security agencies, their function is to use revolutionary means. To deal with the counter-revolution."

Victor took a puff of cigarette into his lungs. After hearing what Comrade Stalin said, he spit out the puff, only feeling that these words were a bit familiar. Soon, he remembered, and the last sentence seemed to be said by Comrade Dzerzhinsky.

"Our iron fist Felix once said that the Cheka staff are revolutionary. They don't need to do any reconnaissance or spying work. For Cheka, the right to shoot criminals is extremely important." Sure enough. Comrade Stalin immediately said, “You said that the situation today is different, including the domestic situation and the international situation. This is undoubtedly correct. But no matter how the situation changes, the imperialists, The ambitions and attempts of the bourgeois elements to subvert and undermine the stability of the Soviet Union regime will remain unchanged, and our purpose of overthrowing the bourgeois regime by violence will remain unchanged. Therefore, the importance of national security is also not the same. It will change."

The tone was paused, Comrade Stalin replaced the pipe in one hand and said: "You just talked about the socialist legal system. This is very good. I also think that the construction and improvement of the legal system is very important, because it is enjoyed by the citizens of the alliance. The guarantee of socialist democracy. But I don’t think those traitors, spies, and counter-revolutionaries should also enjoy the democratic power of socialism, because they are our enemies in the system and stand on the opposite side of the people from beginning to end. Therefore, for these People, we must use the strongest means to suppress."

"In addition," he said as soon as the topic changed, "I think that all cases involving national security should be investigated in a confidential manner. Except for national security agencies, no judicial department should be involved. This This is my position all along."

"Boom boom boom..."

At this moment, the door of the waiting room was knocked from outside.

Comrade Stalin stopped talking, glanced in the direction of the door, and said, "Come in."

Boskrebeshev pushed the door in from the outside, his eyes quickly turned around in the room, and then he smiled and said: "The meeting is ready, and the comrades participating in the meeting are also present."

"I know," Comrade Stalin nodded and took another pipe.

Seeing that he was obviously about to get up, Victor got up from his chair first.

"The position and starting point of Safonov and Goryakov are good," Sure enough, Comrade Stalin stood up slowly, and said unhurriedly, "but they failed to provide me with a solution. The solution to the problem, my view is that the judicial issue is a judicial issue, and the national security issue is a national security issue. Safonov and the others hope to build and improve the legal system and not allow the national security department to have judicial power. Then, the judicial department Similarly, we should not be overly involved in national security issues. It is impossible for us to publicly try every spy caught. That is simply unrealistic."

Victor nodded, he understood what Comrade Stalin meant.

In the final analysis, Comrade Stalin is not about not supporting the construction of the legal system, nor is he unwilling to abolish the special committee of the NKVD. His position is that a balance must be achieved between national security issues and judicial issues.

To achieve this, it is not impossible. A ready-made option is to keep the Special Committee Department of the NKVD, but it is necessary to strengthen the supervision of the department.

At the same time, Comrade Stalin not only talked about the NKVD, but also the NKVD. Actually, compared with the former, the NKVD now needs a department like a special committee. The counterintelligence bureau and other departments belong to the People's Committee of National Security.

Victor understands Comrade Stalin’s ideas, but he is not good at making suggestions in this regard, because if the supervision of the Special Committee of the People’s Committee of the Interior is to be strengthened, then the supervision of the People’s Committee of the National Security Committee must also be strengthened. Say, which department is responsible for managing the national security department? Yes, it is the full-time secretary of the Central Secretariat, and the person in this position is Kuznetsov.

In the past, the full-time secretary of the Secretariat of the Central Committee did have the responsibility of managing national security agencies, but this management was not direct management. For example, it is impossible for Kuznetsov to bypass Victor, who is the chairman of the National Security People’s Committee, and directly appoint the person in charge of one of the following bureaus and departments. Work, ask Victor, give orders or something.

But if it is because of this incident, the Politburo members headed by Comrade Stalin demand that the Secretariat's supervision of the national security department be strengthened, then it is really hard to say what will happen later. After all... the fact that the party and government are not divided is a major drawback of the Soviet Union. As the secretary of the Secretariat, Kuznetsov will intervene in the two national security departments, no one can say for sure.

Following Comrade Stalin, Victor walked out of the waiting room door. He didn't know whether Comrade Stalin had accepted someone’s suggestion, he had made a final decision, or he had thought of something inadvertently, but he hadn’t Make a decision.

"Comrade Zhdanov made a suggestion to strengthen the direct leadership of the Politburo over the national security institutions." At the door, Comrade Stalin slowed down, waiting for Victor to follow, and then said, "I have considered this. Suggest, but do not think it is reasonable."

Victor followed half a step behind him, pretending to listen carefully.

Sure enough, it was Comrade Zhdanov’s suggestion that the so-called strengthening of the direct leadership of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee over national security institutions, to put it bluntly, is to strengthen the leadership of the Central Secretariat. Under the game, if that's the case, Victor would be very happy, but those who are not happy are probably gone.

"As we have been talking about, the nature of the work of the national security agency is very special," Comrade Stalin continued. "We need to put a rein on it to prevent it from getting out of control, but we can't put the rein too tight. As a result, it loses its firepower. There is still a balance issue involved."

Victor was silent. He had no solution to such a problem. Of course, let alone his inability to solve it. In the space of his previous life, the decades of Soviet history failed to effectively solve this problem. Lose.

However, Victor’s silence is meaningless. He must come up with a strategy as soon as possible, because he is here today to participate in the inquiry of the People’s Commissar of National Defense. This issue is likely to be discussed at a later inquiry meeting. If nothing unexpected happens, Comrade Zhidanov will definitely put his opinion at today’s questioning meeting. If he can’t think of a more reasonable proposal, then, in the upcoming meeting of the Committee of the People’s Committee of National Defense, Japan Comrade Danov’s proposal is likely to be adopted.

Comrade Stalin said that he did not approve of Comrade Zhdanov's proposal, but not approving it does not mean opposing it. In the absence of a better choice, he would probably choose to accept it.

The current reality is that Comrade Stalin hopes to have a certain degree of autonomy for the national security agency in the judicial process. This idea cannot be said to be wrong. In fact, before Victor’s rebirth, the national security agencies of all countries in the world enjoyed a certain amount of justice. Autonomous countries, such as the United Kingdom and the United States, are all like this.

At the same time, he also hopes that the national security agencies will not use judicial autonomy to mess around, and that they can be restricted to a certain extent.

To put it bluntly, some cases handled by national security agencies can guarantee confidentiality and are not known to the public. At the same time, behind this confidentiality, there should not be too many dirty things.

So, to sum it up, there are two points: judicial autonomy is a must, and at the same time, supervision is also a must. The only choice is who is supervised and how it is supervised.