The Korean War: The Untold Truth

Chapter 101 Open the secret (2)
MacArthur then made a lengthy defense of his "go home for Christmas" offensive, which he once again tried to interpret as a test of Chinese strength.

When we advance, we hit them with great effect—or, they hit us, we retreat.That account of our troops retreating in disarray and being beaten to the ground is one of the grossest distortions of the truth ever made.These troops retreated in order and in spectacular formation.This has been a planned retreat from the start. ...

The whole backward movement is a strategic one. ...Even if I know the Chinese troops are there, I will not change anything.

In another speech, which became the headline of the afternoon edition of the newspaper, MacArthur openly declared that Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist troops "... are exactly the same as the Red Army I fought, and they are extremely good."In the early days of the war, MacArthur was willing to keep the Kuomintang troops to defend Taiwan, but later they could "be of great use" in North Korea. "It would have been a [-] per cent different picture if they hadn't been on a chain."

Senator Russell disagreed with MacArthur on bombing the Chinese troops before they entered North Korea, although he did not say anything about it, but he hinted at it.Besides, he was more polite to the general.The gracious Georgian is not a brusque congressman by any means.In fact, his question led MacArthur to talk freely and eloquently, which is the fun of the interrogator.In Russell's view, the more MacArthur said, the better, and those hostile questioners just had to wait for their time.

Veteran Republican Stiles Bridges of New Hampshire also made an appearance, and he certainly did not give MacArthur any difficulty.MacArthur did not question whether the president had the power to remove him. "The President's power to appoint officers or to reappoint them is complete and absolute, and he does not have to give any reason or anything, which is inherent in our system." Thus, Bridges is sure, MacArthur never defied the any order. "There is no more obedient soldier in the American uniform," the general said of himself.Bridges helped MacArthur raise questions about the accuracy of the Wake Island minutes. "There must be a great deal of eavesdropping, and anyone who isn't in the house can make any report," said the general.

Russell had heard enough. "Well, General, haven't you received and read the minutes of the Wake Island meeting?" MacArthur was a little tongue-tied here. "I didn't, and if my memory serves me right, I had a copy of the records filed, but I didn't check them."

"Sorry, say it again," Russell demanded.

MacArthur repeated: "I didn't see the transcripts - they were sent to me, I just filed them. Whether they were credible... I don't know. At that time, Senator, the matter had been It's almost trite, they have nothing to do with what was happening in North Korea at the time."

Russell pressed hard.He personally sent a copy of these copies to MacArthur when they were sent to the Senate Armed Services Committee. Couldn't MacArthur say whether these documents are accurate?
MacArthur dodged the question. "I was walking into the plane when I got the copy, so I didn't have a chance to look at it," he said. "I don't have the shorthand myself. . . . " But he admitted that "on the whole" the note was accurate.

MacArthur began a more substantive critique of American politics under questioning by Senator Alexander Wylie, Republican of Wisconsin.He was a faithful soldier—

Act in what I call a vacuum.I don't even know what those policies are, and it's hard to say I'm on the opposite side of them.Now I don't know what those policies are either.You have various possibilities:
One, you can go on fighting and end this war in the normal way, you can use all your potential to bring about a just and honorable peace in the shortest possible time with as little loss of life as possible.

Second, you can bow to the enemy's terms...to end this thing. ...

Third, you fight hesitantly, and you don't give the troops any combat missions, except for resistance and seesaw-style, back-and-forth battles.This means that your accumulated losses will become staggering.In North Korea, it's not just dust that falls, Senator, it's American blood.

In General Marshall's view, MacArthur's "American blood" was the most shameful thing the general could say. "It is easy for a soldier to be made miserable, especially when he is in the least likable, unattractive and dangerous situation, especially when he is asked to do a job for a long time. This is especially true when great efforts are made..." Marshall believed that MacArthur's speech hurt the morale of Matthew Ridgway's army.

However, none of MacArthur's interrogators expressed concern for the safety of the soldiers who were fighting bloody battles.A more pressing (and exculpatory) question for Senator Wylie was, did MacArthur help shape US policy toward China in the late 40s?No, he replied, only an invitation to a congressional committee in 1946 (an invitation MacArthur could not accept because he was in Japan at the time), and no one in "Washington" Asked his opinion.Wylie evidently regarded this omission as a colossal blunder:

Do you know anyone else in the United States who has such a vast experience in the East and understands the different countries in the East?Who else do you know who has lived there as long as yourself and learned about the different elements and the different backgrounds of the people and their philosophies?
MacArthur was self-effacing. "That's too much of you, Senator. I think I've probably lived in the Far East as long as anyone I know has held a public office in the United States. It's another thing to benefit from wisdom."

What advice could he have put forward for postwar China?He could "assist China's conservative government to stem the growth of the communist wave".The chances for a compromise between the Communist Party and Chiang Kai-shek "are as rare as the chances for oil and water to mix together.  …"

During a brief lunch break (sandwiches were delivered to the hearing), MacArthur casually remarked that he wished the afternoon meeting had been shorter because he had an appointment somewhere that night.The general surprised the committee by intending to spend only one day at the committee.

According to one staffer: "The senators thought he was acting too high-handed. You can't cover the whole war in one day."

When the committee resumed, Senator Morse objected to MacArthur's departure after only one day of testimony.No senator ever took the time to study the Pentagon's paraphrased cables, and Morse's own cross-examination would have taken more than three hours. "Unless we get this thing through," he said, "it's not fair to the general, or to the American people, or to anyone else involved."

Chairman Russell agreed, but he also apologized to MacArthur. "We try not to inconvenience you in any way, and I know you will try to give this committee time to really figure this out." The subtext of the southerners' hidden needles can still be heard.MacArthur did not argue.

For some time in the afternoon, MacArthur had a better time, and the Republicans' questions gave him many opportunities to whip the government.In an attempt to keep the Korean conflict from developing into an all-out war, the government "imposed a new concept in military operations—the concept of appeasement, which is that when you use military power, you limit that power.  … In my opinion Come on, this will mean that you will continue to shed blood on the battlefield indefinitely... without end".If the United Nations allies do not support the United States in the Korean War, "if necessary", he will "single-handedly" continue the war. "If the rest of the world still can't see where another appeasement is going after the appeasement that led to World War II in Europe; if they can't see where their path in Asia is going...then we better Just defend yourself and go it alone."

MacArthur then turned to the subject of war wasting lives.Casualties had reached 6.5, and the conflict had lasted "almost as long as General Eisenhower's decisive battle that ended the war in Europe."If the administration continues with its "indecisive" course, "there will be thousands, thousands, tens of thousands of American lives lost. ... The big question, then, is: responsibility for this blood where?"

"I'm pretty sure of that - that responsibility will not fall on my shoulders."

MacArthur went on to say that the armed conflict must be ended as quickly as possible through military victory. “…if you don’t, if you strike poorly, if you apply appeasement when you use military force, you’re doomed to disaster.”

Senator Leverett Thornstall asked if the government had implemented the "five-point plan of January 1," would the war have spread to "Manchuria" and China?MacArthur admitted it was possible. "I don't think that if you do what I'm advocating ... you have to limit the conflict to North Korea, but I do believe it will give you an opportunity to strike the enemy where they are massed to fight you." Yet MacArthur has repeatedly said that he does not advocate the use of US ground forces in China.

As the afternoon wore on, the level of questioning hardened.It's the turn of the young Democratic senators to take on the general (10 minutes each in the first round, in order of seniority).Prior to that, Pentagon staff officers had provided questions to friendly commissioners pointing out where MacArthur had misrepresented the record, or was vulnerable.Senator Lyndon Johnson, a freshman from Texas, for example, used barrage of questions to pin MacArthur on his assertion that the Joint Chiefs of Staff supported the January 1 option.Johnson clearly knew that MacArthur was wrong, and the Joint Chiefs of Staff laid out these options for use should the United States be driven out of North Korea.The shrewd and powerful Johnson let MacArthur talk freely. He knew that this trap had been set and could play out at any time according to the wishes of the Democrats.

Senator Morse (who said he was ready "to pursue theory like a lawyer . Did the declaration of its annihilation do any harm to Truman's telegram a few days earlier about the administration's new peaceful initiative?Truman's actions "have nothing to do with my statement in any way," MacArthur insisted.He went on to say that the president "has been" trying to reach out for peace.He "would be surprised" if the Joint Chiefs of Staff, or anyone else, confirmed that MacArthur's announcement to the Chinese leader had anything to do with his dismissal.

Although Johnson and Morse's questions were sharp, they were far from forming a frontal attack on MacArthur.Out of respect for MacArthur's military prestige, the previous inquirers bowed politely.Senator Brian McMahon of Connecticut, however, would not bother to enforce it.McMahon, then chairman of the Joint Atomic Energy Commission, knew as well as anyone in Washington the horrors of nuclear war and the inability of the United States to fight simultaneous wars in Asia and Europe.According to Pat Holt, a young aide at the Council on Foreign Relations, murmurs in the senator's closet that "nuking the Chinamen" could end the Korean War "give McMahon a nightmare."Using his insider knowledge of nuclear capabilities, McMahon realized that the real adversary was the Soviet Union.The Chinese do not have nuclear weapons.According to McMahon, the Korean War was a "side event, a side event to the main event".In his opinion, MacArthur's proposals led the United States to the main event.

McMahon had already done his pre-meeting preparations.He had listened to MacArthur and benefited from the traps laid by Lyndon Johnson and other senators.He began by saying that he did not want to apologize for the time he was planning to take up "because we are here to discuss the survival of our nation, which means the fate of civilization itself".He turned to MacArthur: "General, do we have a global problem in the midst of communist Russian ambitions?"

"Without a doubt," MacArthur said.

"I suppose you've given a lot of thought to this question?" McMahon continued.MacArthur obviously felt that he was being led down a road of unknown direction, and he did not answer immediately. "Did you hear me, General?" McMahon reassured him.

MacArthur: Yes.Yes, I did, sir.

McMahon: So—

MacArthur: Of course, the main focus is on my own theater of operations.

McMahon: Say it again, please.

MacArthur: Of course, the main focus is on my own theater of operations.My responsibility is in my own war zone.

McMahon: That's right.As you mentioned three or four times today, you are the theater commander.I believe you said to Senator Johnson that, as a theater commander, you have no set numbers in your head for universal military training ... or for the number of troops we should have for global defense.

MacArthur: That's right.This issue is not within my responsibility or authority.

McMahon: General, so I take it this way: You have not clearly formed in your own mind that if the Russians decide to launch a global war against us ... how we should conduct a global defense.

MacArthur: I have my own views, Senator, but these are not authoritative views, and I don't want to discuss them.As far as I understand it, I'm discussing my own war zone here.Other authorities have all the responsibilities and powers that are not mine, so I don't want to insert myself superficially into these discussions.

McMahon had made MacArthur admit that a theater commander did not possess the breadth of knowledge (and even less authority) to coordinate global military strategy.In effect, he is a spear-wielding soldier responsible for only one part of the world.Like it or not, the people of Washington have a wider authority than Douglas MacArthur.Now McMahon dealt the general a head-on blow.

McMahon: General, I take it that you believe that what we do as you suggest will not necessarily bring the Soviet Union into a war, don't you?
MacArthur: I believe so.

McMahon: General, please imagine if you were wrong.You can be wrong, can't you?

MacArthur: There is no doubt about it.

McMahon: You didn't believe at one point that ... Red China would intervene in the North Korean conflict.

MacArthur: I doubt it.

McMahon: They got involved.Now you suspect the Soviets—

Here MacArthur, feeling a challenge to his infallibility, interrupted McMahon. "At that point," he said, "I had the support of ... virtually everyone. The U.S. government, through its CIA — which is the most informed authority — provided that fact."

McMahon: In other words, everyone involved with this turned out to be wrong.

(End of this chapter)