The Korean War: The Untold Truth
Chapter 98 The General Returns
Chapter 98 The General Returns (2)
In the first few sentences, MacArthur attributed Truman (though not named) to the kind of man who was more pathetic than contemptible, not once admitting that the president might have been right in their dispute. "My speech to you," he said, "does not carry the grievances and pains of dying years, but only one purpose in my heart: to serve the country." This sentence won applause and cheers.His speech was interrupted 50 times in the next half hour.
MacArthur then defended the issues that the chiefs of staff and other administration officials had heard—and refuted—over and over in his cables for the past six months or so.He has lashed out at critics who say he ignores Europe and wants to restore a discarded past to the people of Asia.These problems, he said, are global --
And so interconnected that thinking about one region and forgetting about another invites disaster at the same time.When Asia is often considered the gateway to Europe, Europe is also the gateway to Asia. ...There are those who claim that we are not strong enough to protect two fronts at the same time. ...I think this is the most obvious expression of defeatism.
(MacArthur was well aware that he had been told repeatedly about the strength of the U.S. force and the Joint Chiefs of Staff’s assessment that, even in two years’ time, the United States would not even think about fighting a “two-continental war.”)
In MacArthur's view, the Asians "discovered their opportunity to escape the shackles of colonialism in the war just past, and now see the dawn of a new opportunity."He lauded the governments of Japan, the Philippines, and China's Kuomintang, who from Taiwan "have had the opportunity to refute, through action, the many vicious words that have undermined their leadership." (MacArthur is referring here to the clear and understandable political code words of the right wing of the Republican Party. The "bad language" refers to the "July 1949 State Department White Paper on China Issues" compiled under the leadership of Acheson. Incompetent and defeated by the Communists.)
MacArthur went on to say that since the outbreak of the Korean War, the strategic boundary of the United States has shifted, which includes the entire Pacific Ocean, along the chain of islands from the Aleutian Islands to the Mariana Islands.
Any major gap along this line leaves every other major part vulnerable to deliberate attack. . . . This is a military assessment, and so far I have not found a military leader who disagrees with it.For this reason, I have strongly argued in the past that under no circumstances should Taiwan be allowed to fall under Communist control.
Then, MacArthur focused on talking about the Korean War.Although Truman was not consulted before deciding to intervene, "from a military point of view, that decision proved correct."China intervened when the U.N. forces repelled the North Koreans and the victory was assured, "which created a new war, a completely new situation . . . a situation that required new diplomatic decisions ".MacArthur said sadly that such a decision "has not yet been made."
He presented his own challenges and plans:
Although no one in his right mind would advocate sending our ground troops to mainland China... I believe that, because of the military imperatives of waging war, it is necessary to: (1) strengthen our economic blockade against China; (2) ) a naval blockade of the Chinese coast; (3) the removal of restrictions on aerial reconnaissance of the Chinese coast and "Manchuria";
These points were all carefully considered to support our military commitment in North Korea, avoid the loss of countless American and allied lives, and bring hostilities to an end without delay.For holding these views, I have been severely criticized by lay people, mainly foreigners.Although I understand that, from a military standpoint, virtually every military commander involved with the Korean War has fully agreed with the above in the past, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Those last few words are either a deliberate lie or a poor and false representation of the historical record.The four points MacArthur cites were indeed "proposed" by the Joint Chiefs of Staff in the January 1 list, but only as possible options should the Chinese launch a full-scale air strike.MacArthur pretended that the Joint Chiefs of Staff agreed with these views, thereby presenting Truman and Acheson as civil servants above professional soldiers.In the coming weeks, the Joint Chiefs of Staff will be throwing MacArthur's words back on him.
Republicans in the audience stood and cheered when MacArthur delivered his allegations.MacArthur was unmoved, he grasped the sides of the podium with both hands, and only paused when he occasionally took a sip of water.He went on to tell of his difficulties:
I have requested reinforcements, but have been informed that no reinforcements are available.I made it clear that if (this command) is not allowed to destroy enemy staging bases north of the Yalu River, if not to use the friendly Nationalist troops of about 60 in Taiwan, if not to blockade the Chinese coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from External aid, and if large-scale reinforcements are indeed hopeless, then from a military point of view, the army is effectively placed in a situation where it cannot win.
In response to critics who said he wanted to start a world war, MacArthur said forcefully: "There are few people alive who understand war better than I do. In my opinion, there is nothing more disturbing than war." I hate it... But once war is imposed on us, there is no choice but to use all means to end the war as soon as possible. The original purpose of war is victory."
MacArthur's speech gradually reached a climax.He doesn't want to appease China, saying that appeasement is like blackmail, "laying the groundwork for new blackmails, bigger and bigger, until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only solution."
Then, MacArthur became an approachable general again, and he went deep into the foxholes to talk to the troops. "My soldiers have asked me, why give up military superiority on the battlefield to the enemy?" (Nowhere in contemporary accounts of MacArthur's visit to North Korea does he stop and talk to troops. An infantryman It is unbelievable that such a regal general as MacArthur should be asked strategic questions. What MacArthur said was dramatic nonsense.)
Now, MacArthur was about to say his farewell speech.He leaned forward to the podium, and his voice dropped several ranges, but in the silent conference hall, his voice was still very clear.
Even before the turn of the century, when I joined the Army to fulfill all my childhood hopes and dreams...the hopes and dreams are long gone, but I still remember a refrain from the most popular barracks song of that time, the most Proudly declare: Veterans don't die, they just disappear quietly.
Like the veteran in that song, I'm now wrapping up my military career as a veteran who has done his duty in the light of God.goodbye.
Anyone who is familiar with the details of US foreign policy and US military weaknesses can easily grasp the countless factual and logical flaws in MacArthur's speech.But as an art of eloquence—that is, to capture the emotions and hearts of his audience—his speech ranks among the most powerful political experiences of the mid-20th century.Many members of Congress wept openly when he finished, as did the men and women across the country who heard or watched it on radio and television.For a while, MacArthur stole the limelight.
Truman made a beautiful official gesture through the press spokesman, ignoring MacArthur who was in Washington that day, and he even deliberately made it known that he did not watch the congressional speech on television.Of course Truman saw it, and he was very concerned about how MacArthur would be welcomed. "It's nothing but gibberish," he exclaimed, "and some fucking stupid congressman . . . crying like a bunch of old women." what".Dean Acheson thought it was like a father who had a beautiful daughter who lived near a barracks and whose chastity he was always worried about.When she finally came home and announced she was pregnant, he threw up his hands and exclaimed, "Thank God it's over."
flattery to the general
Due to the degree of public cheer and support, in the next few days, MacArthur's actions were solemn and grand, just like Robert Lee or "Black Jack" Pershing reborn.The country is tired of a war it can't win, and is baffled by what Harry Truman is doing halfway around the world.MacArthur's speech offered the country a new option that seemed glamorous at first glance, a call to restore American dignity and greatness, even at the risk of the nation.Americans cheered MacArthur for many reasons—giving him the respect he earned in World War II, which he never returned home to receive; Inexplicably faded after the defeat of the Axis powers in 7; and MacArthur was a stark contrast to Truman: a soldier of great heroism and a man still considered by many Americans to be an accidental president.
As a result, many record companies rushed to produce records of MacArthur's lectures, and gadget vendors sold oversized replicas of the famous corncob pipes and mugs with MacArthur's head on them.People ripped his picture from magazines and newspapers and stuck it on the wall, just as they did for Franklin D. Roosevelt a few years ago, another time when America was starving for a hero.
The best performances were in New York, a city that, as The New York Times put it, was "cracking to the brim with exhaustion."In Manhattan, the welcome line stretched 19 and a half miles from Battery Street all the way to Midtown and back again.An estimated 750 million people (twice the number that welcomed Eisenhower in 1945) leaned from windows and rooftops, climbed traffic signal poles and jumped up and down sidewalks to catch a glimpse of the general.In the Wall Street area, colored tapes, crumpled newspapers and torn-up phone books—traditional hero tributes—were so snowy that television crews complained that their cameras were having trouble getting through.MacArthur sat in the back seat of a convertible car, enjoying every moment.He made stops at City Hall and St. Patrick's Cathedral, where he was welcomed respectively by Mayor Vincent Impellitri and Cardinal Francis Spellman, America's most eminent Catholic clergyman.Wearing a gorgeous red robe, the bishop walked down the steps and approached MacArthur's car to shake hands with him.
Overhead, smoke planes hired by the New York City government spewed smoke into two miles of "Welcome Back" and "Well done" signs.Crowds on the sidewalk waved homemade placards and flags with slogans such as: "God saved us from Acheson." "MacArthur never goes away."
After receiving New York's homage, MacArthur retreated in the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel Suite 37-A to prepare for the Senate hearing. (The hotel manager offered him a $133-a-day suite, now for $450 a month, and he was to live there until his death in 1964. "This is where we live, this is where we stay" ’” he said to Joan.) He knew that this was going to be a far more powerful appearance than his courtesy appearance in Congress, where he faced a stalking Democratic majority.If MacArthur really had reason to object to Truman's approach on the North Korean issue, then he had to explain it on one occasion.On this occasion, for the first time in his career, he will be questioned by those who do not fear his rank.
For MacArthur, the suite at the Waldorf Astoria became his "Little First Mansion"—a replica of his Tokyo headquarters.Here he continues to receive his full general salary of $19, a government Constellation aircraft at his disposal, and Whitney and other staff.A few well-wishers—mostly prominent Republicans—came to pay their respects.After meeting with his neighbor at the Waldorf Astoria, former President Herbert Hoover, MacArthur murmured, "A great five-star general who emerged from the east, he is the embodiment of St. Paul."Among the unofficial visitors was New York Giants manager Leo Durochel, who brought Arthur Jr. some autographed baseballs.
But MacArthur's business was to prepare the reasons he intended to explain to the Senate.It turns out that he realized as early as January of that year that he might one day have to defend himself publicly against Truman.That month, he called in an old Army aide, a retired sergeant, and asked him to scour Far East Command files for documents about his disagreement with the Joint Chiefs of Staff.Working with eight assistants for four months, the sergeant amassed documents from 1 military storage boxes.These boxes have been transported back to the United States with MacArthur's same plane, and another 8 packing boxes were also transported by sea under strict security.
Visitors reported that by late April, MacArthur had strategized for the hearings.He will not make any formal announcements.He will appear empty-handed, offering to answer questions.MacArthur was shrewd enough not to launch a frontal attack on the President or on the Joint Chiefs of Staff, he would attack the weak link in the government - Dean Acheson.MacArthur told a number of Republican senators, including some who would be on joint committees, that he would make Acheson his "prime target."
(End of this chapter)
In the first few sentences, MacArthur attributed Truman (though not named) to the kind of man who was more pathetic than contemptible, not once admitting that the president might have been right in their dispute. "My speech to you," he said, "does not carry the grievances and pains of dying years, but only one purpose in my heart: to serve the country." This sentence won applause and cheers.His speech was interrupted 50 times in the next half hour.
MacArthur then defended the issues that the chiefs of staff and other administration officials had heard—and refuted—over and over in his cables for the past six months or so.He has lashed out at critics who say he ignores Europe and wants to restore a discarded past to the people of Asia.These problems, he said, are global --
And so interconnected that thinking about one region and forgetting about another invites disaster at the same time.When Asia is often considered the gateway to Europe, Europe is also the gateway to Asia. ...There are those who claim that we are not strong enough to protect two fronts at the same time. ...I think this is the most obvious expression of defeatism.
(MacArthur was well aware that he had been told repeatedly about the strength of the U.S. force and the Joint Chiefs of Staff’s assessment that, even in two years’ time, the United States would not even think about fighting a “two-continental war.”)
In MacArthur's view, the Asians "discovered their opportunity to escape the shackles of colonialism in the war just past, and now see the dawn of a new opportunity."He lauded the governments of Japan, the Philippines, and China's Kuomintang, who from Taiwan "have had the opportunity to refute, through action, the many vicious words that have undermined their leadership." (MacArthur is referring here to the clear and understandable political code words of the right wing of the Republican Party. The "bad language" refers to the "July 1949 State Department White Paper on China Issues" compiled under the leadership of Acheson. Incompetent and defeated by the Communists.)
MacArthur went on to say that since the outbreak of the Korean War, the strategic boundary of the United States has shifted, which includes the entire Pacific Ocean, along the chain of islands from the Aleutian Islands to the Mariana Islands.
Any major gap along this line leaves every other major part vulnerable to deliberate attack. . . . This is a military assessment, and so far I have not found a military leader who disagrees with it.For this reason, I have strongly argued in the past that under no circumstances should Taiwan be allowed to fall under Communist control.
Then, MacArthur focused on talking about the Korean War.Although Truman was not consulted before deciding to intervene, "from a military point of view, that decision proved correct."China intervened when the U.N. forces repelled the North Koreans and the victory was assured, "which created a new war, a completely new situation . . . a situation that required new diplomatic decisions ".MacArthur said sadly that such a decision "has not yet been made."
He presented his own challenges and plans:
Although no one in his right mind would advocate sending our ground troops to mainland China... I believe that, because of the military imperatives of waging war, it is necessary to: (1) strengthen our economic blockade against China; (2) ) a naval blockade of the Chinese coast; (3) the removal of restrictions on aerial reconnaissance of the Chinese coast and "Manchuria";
These points were all carefully considered to support our military commitment in North Korea, avoid the loss of countless American and allied lives, and bring hostilities to an end without delay.For holding these views, I have been severely criticized by lay people, mainly foreigners.Although I understand that, from a military standpoint, virtually every military commander involved with the Korean War has fully agreed with the above in the past, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Those last few words are either a deliberate lie or a poor and false representation of the historical record.The four points MacArthur cites were indeed "proposed" by the Joint Chiefs of Staff in the January 1 list, but only as possible options should the Chinese launch a full-scale air strike.MacArthur pretended that the Joint Chiefs of Staff agreed with these views, thereby presenting Truman and Acheson as civil servants above professional soldiers.In the coming weeks, the Joint Chiefs of Staff will be throwing MacArthur's words back on him.
Republicans in the audience stood and cheered when MacArthur delivered his allegations.MacArthur was unmoved, he grasped the sides of the podium with both hands, and only paused when he occasionally took a sip of water.He went on to tell of his difficulties:
I have requested reinforcements, but have been informed that no reinforcements are available.I made it clear that if (this command) is not allowed to destroy enemy staging bases north of the Yalu River, if not to use the friendly Nationalist troops of about 60 in Taiwan, if not to blockade the Chinese coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from External aid, and if large-scale reinforcements are indeed hopeless, then from a military point of view, the army is effectively placed in a situation where it cannot win.
In response to critics who said he wanted to start a world war, MacArthur said forcefully: "There are few people alive who understand war better than I do. In my opinion, there is nothing more disturbing than war." I hate it... But once war is imposed on us, there is no choice but to use all means to end the war as soon as possible. The original purpose of war is victory."
MacArthur's speech gradually reached a climax.He doesn't want to appease China, saying that appeasement is like blackmail, "laying the groundwork for new blackmails, bigger and bigger, until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only solution."
Then, MacArthur became an approachable general again, and he went deep into the foxholes to talk to the troops. "My soldiers have asked me, why give up military superiority on the battlefield to the enemy?" (Nowhere in contemporary accounts of MacArthur's visit to North Korea does he stop and talk to troops. An infantryman It is unbelievable that such a regal general as MacArthur should be asked strategic questions. What MacArthur said was dramatic nonsense.)
Now, MacArthur was about to say his farewell speech.He leaned forward to the podium, and his voice dropped several ranges, but in the silent conference hall, his voice was still very clear.
Even before the turn of the century, when I joined the Army to fulfill all my childhood hopes and dreams...the hopes and dreams are long gone, but I still remember a refrain from the most popular barracks song of that time, the most Proudly declare: Veterans don't die, they just disappear quietly.
Like the veteran in that song, I'm now wrapping up my military career as a veteran who has done his duty in the light of God.goodbye.
Anyone who is familiar with the details of US foreign policy and US military weaknesses can easily grasp the countless factual and logical flaws in MacArthur's speech.But as an art of eloquence—that is, to capture the emotions and hearts of his audience—his speech ranks among the most powerful political experiences of the mid-20th century.Many members of Congress wept openly when he finished, as did the men and women across the country who heard or watched it on radio and television.For a while, MacArthur stole the limelight.
Truman made a beautiful official gesture through the press spokesman, ignoring MacArthur who was in Washington that day, and he even deliberately made it known that he did not watch the congressional speech on television.Of course Truman saw it, and he was very concerned about how MacArthur would be welcomed. "It's nothing but gibberish," he exclaimed, "and some fucking stupid congressman . . . crying like a bunch of old women." what".Dean Acheson thought it was like a father who had a beautiful daughter who lived near a barracks and whose chastity he was always worried about.When she finally came home and announced she was pregnant, he threw up his hands and exclaimed, "Thank God it's over."
flattery to the general
Due to the degree of public cheer and support, in the next few days, MacArthur's actions were solemn and grand, just like Robert Lee or "Black Jack" Pershing reborn.The country is tired of a war it can't win, and is baffled by what Harry Truman is doing halfway around the world.MacArthur's speech offered the country a new option that seemed glamorous at first glance, a call to restore American dignity and greatness, even at the risk of the nation.Americans cheered MacArthur for many reasons—giving him the respect he earned in World War II, which he never returned home to receive; Inexplicably faded after the defeat of the Axis powers in 7; and MacArthur was a stark contrast to Truman: a soldier of great heroism and a man still considered by many Americans to be an accidental president.
As a result, many record companies rushed to produce records of MacArthur's lectures, and gadget vendors sold oversized replicas of the famous corncob pipes and mugs with MacArthur's head on them.People ripped his picture from magazines and newspapers and stuck it on the wall, just as they did for Franklin D. Roosevelt a few years ago, another time when America was starving for a hero.
The best performances were in New York, a city that, as The New York Times put it, was "cracking to the brim with exhaustion."In Manhattan, the welcome line stretched 19 and a half miles from Battery Street all the way to Midtown and back again.An estimated 750 million people (twice the number that welcomed Eisenhower in 1945) leaned from windows and rooftops, climbed traffic signal poles and jumped up and down sidewalks to catch a glimpse of the general.In the Wall Street area, colored tapes, crumpled newspapers and torn-up phone books—traditional hero tributes—were so snowy that television crews complained that their cameras were having trouble getting through.MacArthur sat in the back seat of a convertible car, enjoying every moment.He made stops at City Hall and St. Patrick's Cathedral, where he was welcomed respectively by Mayor Vincent Impellitri and Cardinal Francis Spellman, America's most eminent Catholic clergyman.Wearing a gorgeous red robe, the bishop walked down the steps and approached MacArthur's car to shake hands with him.
Overhead, smoke planes hired by the New York City government spewed smoke into two miles of "Welcome Back" and "Well done" signs.Crowds on the sidewalk waved homemade placards and flags with slogans such as: "God saved us from Acheson." "MacArthur never goes away."
After receiving New York's homage, MacArthur retreated in the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel Suite 37-A to prepare for the Senate hearing. (The hotel manager offered him a $133-a-day suite, now for $450 a month, and he was to live there until his death in 1964. "This is where we live, this is where we stay" ’” he said to Joan.) He knew that this was going to be a far more powerful appearance than his courtesy appearance in Congress, where he faced a stalking Democratic majority.If MacArthur really had reason to object to Truman's approach on the North Korean issue, then he had to explain it on one occasion.On this occasion, for the first time in his career, he will be questioned by those who do not fear his rank.
For MacArthur, the suite at the Waldorf Astoria became his "Little First Mansion"—a replica of his Tokyo headquarters.Here he continues to receive his full general salary of $19, a government Constellation aircraft at his disposal, and Whitney and other staff.A few well-wishers—mostly prominent Republicans—came to pay their respects.After meeting with his neighbor at the Waldorf Astoria, former President Herbert Hoover, MacArthur murmured, "A great five-star general who emerged from the east, he is the embodiment of St. Paul."Among the unofficial visitors was New York Giants manager Leo Durochel, who brought Arthur Jr. some autographed baseballs.
But MacArthur's business was to prepare the reasons he intended to explain to the Senate.It turns out that he realized as early as January of that year that he might one day have to defend himself publicly against Truman.That month, he called in an old Army aide, a retired sergeant, and asked him to scour Far East Command files for documents about his disagreement with the Joint Chiefs of Staff.Working with eight assistants for four months, the sergeant amassed documents from 1 military storage boxes.These boxes have been transported back to the United States with MacArthur's same plane, and another 8 packing boxes were also transported by sea under strict security.
Visitors reported that by late April, MacArthur had strategized for the hearings.He will not make any formal announcements.He will appear empty-handed, offering to answer questions.MacArthur was shrewd enough not to launch a frontal attack on the President or on the Joint Chiefs of Staff, he would attack the weak link in the government - Dean Acheson.MacArthur told a number of Republican senators, including some who would be on joint committees, that he would make Acheson his "prime target."
(End of this chapter)
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