politics

Chapter 51 Volume 5

Chapter 51 Volume (E) Five (9)
Legislators and statesmen should know which of the measures of democracy are sufficient to preserve democracy, and which are just enough to destroy a plebeian regime;35 likewise, they must know which of the various measures of oligarchy to preserve , which are enough to destroy an oligarchy.Neither regime can exist, or continue to exist, without the compatibility of rich and poor.Thus, if the system of equal property was introduced, both systems would disappear and be replaced by a different new regime40; radical laws often sought to exterminate the rich or exclude the common people,1310α whereas the original regime based on the coexistence of rich and poor It must also disappear. The "civilian regime" that Aristotle said at the time was a name opposite to "oligarchic regime"; The other is run by the rich.The meaning here is that if there is no distinction between the rich and the poor in society, the two regimes arising from this relative relationship will lose their relative basis, which makes them unable to become a regime. .

Politicians in plebiscites and oligarchies often err in these respects through inconsideration.For example, in a civilian regime where the will of the masses surpasses the authority of the law, the heroes of the common people are accustomed to splitting the city-state into two parties, leading the commoners to attack the rich.The policy they should adopt is to defend the rich at all times.Oligarchies, too, should adopt a similar policy, that the oligarchs should always defend the interests of the poor; but the oaths they profess happen to be contrary to the policy. 5 The oath of some city-states is: "I hate the common people deeply, and I will do my best to punish them so as to eliminate the evil." The oath here is similar to the oath of enmity between citizens of an enemy country.Juan IV, Chapter 1296, 27a32-1300 mentioned that the oligarchs established the regime after a bloody battle with the civilian population, or Chapter 17, 10a1309, mentioned that the oligarchs who returned from exile and regained power may have such oaths.Their thinking actually deviates from the policy that should be adopted. 18 Therefore, the oath should be changed to "I will never harm the poor (common people)" 1310b2-1305a24 is compared with 34a1310-2. . .

However, among the methods of preserving the regime we have mentioned, the most important point is to implement civic education in the spirit of the regime (constitution). This topic has been seen in Vol.See below in Chapter 1295 13a19-1337 of Juan VIII and several other chapters. .This is generally ignored in contemporary states.Even if it is a perfect legal system approved by all citizens, if the sentiments of the citizens have not been molded by customs and education11 and thus do not conform to the basic spirit (purpose) of the political system, the legal system cannot be implemented.That is to say, if the city-state has established a civil legal system, but the citizens lack common sense, or although the city-state has established an oligarchic legal system, the citizens lack the oligarchic consciousness, these are always unacceptable.A city-state, like an individual, may become indolent through lack of discipline.So it needs education as well as an individual.

The so-called educating citizens in accordance with the spirit of the regime here does not require citizens to learn the skills of oligarchs or populists, but to cultivate the words and deeds of citizens so that the regime in which they live, whether it is a populist regime or an oligarchic regime, If such words and deeds can be popularized in the whole country, there will be long-term peace and stability.From this point of view, the actual situation in each state is not in line with this purpose.In the oligarchic city-state, when the sons of the rulers compete for luxury, see Volume 20, 1295b17. , When trapped in exaggeration, the children of the common people are getting stronger and stronger due to labor and exercise. 25 Once there is an opportunity, the children of the common people will rise up to implement changes. See Plato: "Utopia" Volume 556 [-]D. .In an extreme civilian regime, although the interests of the common people are the most important thing in name, the policies implemented violate the real interests of the common people.The reason for this deviation is a misunderstanding of the true meaning of freedom.In everyone's opinion, two special concepts belong to the civilian regime: one is "sovereignty belongs to the majority" and the other is "individual liberty". "Individual liberty". .

Populists first assume that justice (fairness) lies in "equality,"30 and then believe that the supreme public opinion is equality; finally, they say that "freedom and equality" means "everyone does what he wants."In this extreme civil regime, everyone lives as he pleases, and the result is just like Euripet.The so-called "everyone is according to his own fantasy", but in the end the city-state fell into chaos.This notion of liberty is despicable. 883 Citizens should abide by the rules of life set by a state and restrict everyone’s behavior. The law should not be regarded as a shackle that restricts freedom, but as a "salvation (σωηρα)" that saves the state with the law. See "Rhetoric "Volume 35, Chapter 1360 19a7151; this statement was first seen in Plato: "Laws" 330D, and Escheini's speech against the award of honors to Demosynes in 6 BC: "Anti-Ketty Snow Seal" ( Aeschines, CCtes) 1310 and other chapters.Aristotle limited "freedom" to the scope permitted by law, and modern political theorists such as Montesquieu and Hobbes all inherited his ideas. 12a36-1302 compared to 25b33-1307, 27a32-[-]. .

I have here, in general account, the changes of regimes, the causes of their destruction, and how their preservation and permanence are made.

Chapter Ten
40 We still need to continue discussing the monarchy, that is, the one-man system.Aristotle sometimes used the term to refer to "kingdom".causes of destruction and methods of preservation.Generally speaking, 1310b mentioned before generally involves various regimes. This chapter refers to the above-mentioned four types of common people, oligarchs, nobles and republics as "various regimes"; however, the two types of monarchy and tyranny are not included in "various regimes".Among them, the rule of the monarchy is based on personal will, which is very different from the other four types of constitution-based entities. Strictly speaking, the four types of constitutionalism can indeed be called "regime", while the two types of monarchy cannot be called "regime". regime. This use of the term "regime" is different from the classification of regimes in Volume III: in Chapter Ten of this volume, monarchy and tyranny and the other four types are all listed as "public affairs groups" and that public affairs groups are government bodies (1279a26); Fourteenth is more certain that the monarchy is one of the authentic types of polities (1284b36).

Book IV, Chapter 413, has little to say about tyranny, and has dealt with it there; but here are two very long chapters devoted to monarchy. , with particular emphasis on tyranny. The note on page 5 of "New School" IV says that Aristotle wanted to correct the inclinations of the Greek tyrants, and desperately hoped that the Macedonian royal family would not follow the mistakes of other countries, so he wrote this chapter especially.When Aristotle made his speeches or writings, he didn’t seem to have such deep intentions. It was just as an academic research, and he used his knowledge to analyze and clarify its advantages and disadvantages. , Because of the coherence. .For monarchy is of an aristocratic character, and tyranny is a compound of the extreme forms of oligarchy and plebeian government; therefore it is more injurious to the people it governs than any other system of government.Since the tyranny is composed of two bad systems,10 it also has the deviations and faults of both systems.The two types of one-man system are fundamentally different, even opposite.The monarchy originated from the outstanding talents and outstanding achievements of the king or his family, thus establishing a special status for the individual or family;

In this way, the kings were born in a higher class.On the contrary, tyrants were born among the common people, so when they first rose, they all pretended to be the protectors of the common people, leading them to deal with the noble class, so as to resist any unjust damage to them.History has proved this point.It can be said that most of the tyrants started as "popular leaders"15 (demorog), and won the trust of the common people by virtue of their ability to attack famous people.But after the population of the city-states increased, many tyrants had this origin, but other ancient tyrants achieved their goals in different ways.Among them, some tyrants were originally born in the royal family and had great ambitions. They were not satisfied with the traditional duties and powers, so they established a relatively autocratic rule.Some were tyrants who were at first elected to be executives of the supreme body, and in antiquity Demeocus ("civil officers") and Seurias ("overseers"). Those described in the book belong to the political institutions of the Peloponnesian states. Di Muogu (δημιουργοι) is a civil official, see volume three chapter two 20b1275 and notes.

Seuria (θγωριο) is "overseer", similar to Eivor (φοροι) in Sparta, a name found in Mandinea (Thucydides v 479), Tegea ( Xenophon: "History of Greece" vi 57), Naupactus (Dietenberg: "Greek Epigraph Collection" 183) and other states.In the examples given below, neither Ionia nor Agrigentian (in Sicily) were city-states of the Peloponnese. ) This type of official position is used to long-term (re-elected), so it is easier for people to have the opportunity to steal and become a tyrant.There are others who steal status by taking advantage of the fact that the governing body in an oligarchy is not a majority but a single person.These situations have created opportunities for careerists. 25 A king or a person in some other important position has the power of usurpation.This is what Phaidon of Alcas and others do.They started out as kings and ended up as tyrants.Others, like the Ionian tyrants and Faralis of Agrigentian, used other important positions as stepping stones.

When the Ionian city-states on the west coast of Asia Minor, such as Miletus, were besieged by the Alyattes (Alyattes), Thrashublu was once elected as the commander-in-chief, called "Milesiorum leader" (dux Milesiorum) (Frontinus, Roman military scientist, about 40-103, "Frontinus, Strategymaticon" iii 156); after that, Thrashublu became the tyrant.The city of Ephesus and the island of Semos also had similar tyrants (Gilbert: "Greek Political System" Volume II pp. 141 and 149).

"Rhetoric" Volume 1393 Chapter 10 2b1 said that Fararis was once the "General General" (σραηγò υοκρωρ) of Himera (Himera), 30nd century AD, Polyeno: "The Art of War" (Polyenus, strategemata) v 47 , saying that Laris had served as the "director" of the construction project of the Great Temple in Agligentan. .Likewise, Parnaesius of Lyondines, Cybeselus of Corinth, Pythestratus of Athens, Dionysius of Syracuse, and many others, each in their states, 58 It was Panaysio, who started his usurpation as a leader of the masses, as a "leader of the masses" and a former "military officer" (general), see Polyeno: "The Art of War" v 392.The situation of Cybesel is similar, see "History Fragments of Nicholas the Damascus" 1305 (Edited by Müller: "Greek History Fragments" iii21).For the deeds of Pixie Strato and Dionysius, see Chapter 28, [-]a[-]-[-]. .

Before this, we have said that the monarchy should be included in the aristocracy.Because the merit-based monarchy is very similar in nature to the merit-based aristocratic regime.There are three prerequisites for the royal system. The first is that the individual or family has excellent qualities; 35 It can be said that those who are loved and ascended to the throne must have spread grace throughout the city-state or nation before then, or based on their reputation, everyone has been convinced that they can benefit the city-state or nation "the city-state or nation" (s πóλειs θνη), Greek regions, such as Athens and Lacedaemon, are city-states, called "city-states"; Persia, Macedonia, Epirus, etc. are nation-states, called "nations". .Many kings have made achievements in expanding their territories. For example, Kotros once saved the whole state of Athens from defeat and saved the people of Athens from being enslaved by the enemy. Shu (Mλανθο) became the king of Athens because of her victory over Sang Shu (Zνθο), the king of Boosia.

His son Kotros (Kóδρο) was killed in the Duuri invasion (1066 BC), and his battles actually saved the Athenians from slavery to the Durians.In this section, Aristotle said that Kotteros ascended the throne due to his meritorious deeds, which is slightly different from the above-mentioned historical biography, and there should be another version.Pausanias: "Greek Customs" ix 516 said that Melangshu's father Andro Pangbo (Aνδροπóμπο) defeated Sangshu and became the royal family of Athens.See Dumberfield: Genealogy of the Athenians, p. 230. , 1311ɑ If Cyrus was once the liberator of the Persians Cyrus (Cyrus) is called the "liberator" of the Persians (ελευθερσανε, "the one who gives freedom"), see "Herodotus" iii 82.Darius once discussed the advantages and disadvantages of government with generals, saying that monarchy (rule by one person) is better than oligarchy (rule by few) and democracy (rule by many), and he concluded: "Who gave us freedom? It is the monarch (Cyrus), not the oligarchs, nor the masses. Since we have gained freedom by relying on the meritorious deeds of our ancestors, we should defend the old system of our ancestors.

’, and others, like King Lacedaemon, king of Macedonia, or Neoptolernus, son of Achille, the royal family of the Melosians in Epirus, led the crowd to Epirus, And then conquered the whole territory; so the Epiros made him the king of the Molossians (Plutarch: "Pyrrhus", Pyrrhus, 318-272 BC). .

(End of this chapter)

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