The Korean War: The Untold Truth

Chapter 82
The second scenario assumes tougher action: naval blockade; aerial reconnaissance and bombing of mainland China; "maximum use" of Chinese Nationalist forces; and "possible use of atomic bombs."Under such circumstances, "we should continue to hold the most favorable position in North Korea," MacArthur said.He will transport the 10th Army by sea to Pusan, and then join the 8th Army by land.Under the command of the Eighth Army, these combined forces would hold a "trans-peninsular position" "as far north as possible."MacArthur hoped to transfer 8 to 5 Chinese Nationalist troops from Taiwan "as soon as possible", and also hoped to take action against mainland China.He told Collins: "Additional Chinese Nationalist troops should be introduced into southern China, possibly through Hong Kong." (This suggestion was diplomatically and politically absurd. MacArthur knew well that the British, who controlled Hong Kong, were seeking how to get rid of the Withdrew from the war and under no circumstances would it allow its treasured colonies to be used as entry points for Nationalist guerrillas into China.)
The third scenario is based on China's agreement not to advance south of the [-]th parallel.Under such circumstances, the United Nations should accept a ceasefire, but with conditions: prohibition of North Korean or Chinese troops moving south of the [-]th parallel; withdrawal of all North Korean guerrillas to the north of the [-]th parallel; A committee of the committee oversees the ceasefire.MacArthur said that unless the United Nations agrees to action in the second scenario, "this is probably the best solution that can be obtained."

Collins agreed that if the United Nations could not adequately support the Chinese while their all-out offensive continued, MacArthur "should be ordered to take the necessary steps to protect his forces and to proceed to draw up plans for withdrawal from North Korea."However, he disagreed with MacArthur on one key issue (though he did not argue it): Even if U.N. forces were so constrained, he did not think the Chinese would be able to force them out of North Korea. "My judgment is largely based on the views expressed by field commanders Walker and Almond." Collins told reporters when he returned to Washington on December 12 that the United Nations forces "will be able to survive without suffering more serious losses." Take care of themselves."

The Army chief of staff immediately traveled to the White House for talks between Truman, Attlee, and their advisers, and he brought some reassuring news for the first time: "While the military situation remains dire, the It's no longer at stake."

The situation at the time was that the final communiqué of the US-British talks had already been drafted, so Collins' findings had no direct impact on the outcome of the talks themselves.But at least the British visitors were told on their return that the situation in North Korea was no longer precarious.However, the United Nations Army still faced a few thrilling weeks in the war.

futile action at the united nations

Events in mid-December demonstrated the futility of seeking peace through the United Nations, despite U.S. efforts.Ambassador Warren Austin found that most countries agree with the British point of view: China should be "bought" with concessions.Members of the United Nations are willing to confront the aggression of a small country like North Korea, but confronting China is another matter entirely.Austin expressed pessimism about a political settlement with the help of the United Nations on terms acceptable to Washington.According to Richard Stebbins, then writing for the Council on Foreign Relations:
Most non-Communist countries seem less concerned about Beijing's bullying of the United Nations and lawlessness than they are about the possibility that a U.S. dispute with China could suddenly lead to all-out war. …a substantial majority of the delegation now seems to believe that restraining China is less important than restraining the United States.

Shortly after the British and Americans agreed to seek a ceasefire under United Nations auspices, 12 Asian and Arab countries proposed on December 5 that North Koreans and Chinese should not cross the 13th parallel, hoping that the former border would become A ceasefire line.Truman and Attlee immediately agreed.The Indian representative, Sir Benegal Rao, then relayed the issue to Beijing and Pyongyang.After several days, he received no reply.India then sought and received assurances from Washington that UN forces would not reinvade North Korea if the Chinese stopped at the [-]th parallel.But the Communist camp remained silent.

On December 12, the Arab-Asian group presented two proposals at the UN General Assembly.One proposal calls for the establishment of a three-member committee to seek a ceasefire, and another calls for a conference on Far Eastern affairs.This approach caters to the US insistence on an unconditional ceasefire and the Chinese demand for a broader consideration of Asian issues.

On December 12, the National Security Council discussed the issue.The Pentagon does not believe in this approach for several reasons.The military feared that Chinese troops would continue to build up on the front lines without being subject to UN air attacks. Should the communists decide to break the ceasefire, they would have a large army and sufficient supplies on the 11th parallel.The military also wanted to hold certain strongholds north of the [-]th parallel.Dean Rusk told the National Security Council on behalf of the Pentagon and the State Department that the terms should be discussed before the United States agrees to a ceasefire.General Marshall wanted a supervisory U.N. committee; otherwise, "we can't make sure that there won't be major ceasefire violations," and he "experienced a lot of them" during his year in China .

Truman said he had made it clear to Prime Minister Attlee that "we will not surrender to these bloodthirsty opponents. We can only be driven out, but that will take them a long time".Under any truce conditions, "all parts of Korea must be completely open, because we cannot stand by and let the enemy move its troops."

Secretary of Defense Marshall said that the United States is now in a dilemma.A ceasefire would stop U.S. air and sea operations and give the Chinese a chance to build up their forces; "they would say we didn't abide by the ceasefire. On the other hand, if we opposed the ceasefire, our friends would think we were not in favor of peace." Work it out.” Marshall urged finding “some position that seems reasonable, even if the other side rejects it.”

Vice President Buckley argued that any conditions attached to the ceasefire should appear in a United Nations proposal rather than "any kind of behind-the-scenes understanding."He believes that it is important that the United States should not play a role in opposing the ceasefire.And it is "extremely important" that the responsibility for any opposition to the ceasefire is "on the other side's shoulders."

The final proposal approved by the president was to accept with reservations a ceasefire "that would not put the United Nations forces at a military disadvantage and that would not involve political concessions."

As soon as the NSC meeting was over, the Joint Chiefs of Staff asked MacArthur about "acceptable" military terms for a ceasefire.MacArthur replied that he wanted five guarantees: (1) that all ground troops must remain in position or withdraw to the rear; (2) Refugees are not allowed to cross the front line in any direction; (3) Surveillance is exercised by non-belligerent states, who have "unrestricted freedom of movement".

The Chiefs of Staff of the Joint Conference detailed these conditions in a memorandum sent to General Marshall on December 12: the ceasefire should be limited to North Korea and remain binding until the "North Korean problem" is resolved once and for all; A demilitarized zone about 12 miles in depth, the southern limit of which should be roughly along the 20th parallel; guerrillas on either side of the [-]th parallel should be given safe passage to return to their main forces; and prisoners of war should be exchanged on a one-to-one basis .

Meanwhile, at the United Nations, the General Assembly's Political and Security Committee (the First Committee in UN terminology) spent days rambling on about "the presence of the Chinese in North Korea" and asking Beijing Views on the ceasefire. On 12 December, Committee I agreed to form a three-member committee (led by the President of the General Assembly, Nashrora Entzam of Iran) to determine the terms of a possible ceasefire (Law of India and Lester R. Pearson was selected as the other two members of the committee).The next day, the UN General Assembly, with the support of the United States, overwhelmingly passed the ceasefire proposal.

However, the Chinese are not prepared to discuss peace under any conditions, unless the United States completely surrenders.The Chinese representative, General Wu, even refused to meet with the Ceasefire Commission. He left Lake Chenggong and returned home.Beijing announced on December 12 that it categorically rejected the proposal of the Arab-Asian countries, saying that without the participation of the Chinese, all actions taken by the United Nations would be illegal.Two days later, Chinese Foreign Minister Zhou Enlai condemned every action of the United Nations in a broadcast on Beijing Radio. The 21th Parallel, as a demarcation line, was "lost to nothing" due to the "invasion" of North Korea.China will not consider a ceasefire if it does not follow it with "favorable arrangements" for political issues in the Far East. These issues are: the withdrawal of "foreign" troops from North Korea; the settlement of North Korean affairs by "the Korean people themselves"; Withdraw from Taiwan; restore Beijing's seat at the United Nations. On January 38, 1951, the First Committee told the General Assembly that "at this moment ... no useful proposals for a cease-fire can be made".

If the US wants to stop fighting, it must look elsewhere, not the UN.Other than unilateral withdrawal, the only other option is to hang on, keep fighting, and convince the Chinese to negotiate.

field commander change

On December 12, General Walton Walker hurried to the common officers' mess hall of the Eighth Army.Dining here is comfortable and offers fresh delicacies brought in daily from Japan by military airliners.The canteen is like a paradise outside the battlefield, but officers rarely linger here.Brigadier General Francis Farrell, head of the U.S. Military Advisory Group in South Korea, recalled: "I was there with some Koreans that day, wolfing down my meal so that I could hurry on my way."

In the eyes of outsiders, Walker is not a person who dwells on the past.So it came as a surprise to Farrell when the general suddenly brought up George S. Patton, whom he had admired so much during World War II. "I think it's ironic that a man who lived like Patton should die in a traffic accident," Walker said. Farrell listened, but didn't care.After Walker finished his meal, he called his jeep driver and went to the 20th Division and the 27th Commonwealth Brigade to issue troop commendations, and awarded a Silver Star to his son, Captain Sam Walker, who was the company commander of the 20th Division. .

Walker was an impatient "driver" in the passenger seat, and if something slowed his jeep, he tended to snap, "Go around it." On this day, a long line of South Korean Army The truck took up his driveway.His driver swerved sharply to the left, intending to "pass the convoy in two lanes," in Army parlance.But a South Korean truck pulled out of the convoy and headed toward Walker's jeep, and the driver braked immediately.The jeep suddenly turned off the road and fell into a ditch beside the road.

When Walker was pulled out of the jeep, he was found to have suffered serious head injuries (he was reluctant to wear a heavy helmet when he was not in an area where fighting was taking place. He was wearing it on his lap).Walker was rushed to a field hospital where he died on arrival.

General Farrell learned of the accident later that day and remembered what Walker had said about Patton. "It's given me the chills for a long time," he said.

MacArthur paid tribute to the dead Walker, something he had declined to do when Walker was alive.He told reporters in Tokyo that he had "proposed not long ago that Walker be promoted to a four-star general."Even if MacArthur did do this, he never talked about it with anyone in the Department of Defense.The reality is that for four months, MacArthur and other top military figures, including General Collins, have been looking for an opportunity to fire Walker.However, when the brave warrior died, his rank and his 8th Army survived despite the suffering.

(End of this chapter)