politics

Chapter 59 Volume (Z) Six (2)
The question is, is a government constituted on such principles the most suitable to the justice of the common people?Or is justice really just on the principle of numbers (according to persons, regardless of property)?Populists answer: justice lies in the will of the majority.The oligarchs replied: 20 Justice depends on the will of the majority of property owners, and political decisions should be based on the amount of property.The answers from both sides are contrary to justice and lose the true meaning of equality. If the will of a few (rich) people is justice, if someone’s wealth exceeds the sum of the wealth of other rich families, he should govern alone. If this oligarchic concept of justice is expanded, it will inevitably lead to tyranny.On the contrary, 25 If the will of the majority is considered as justice, as we have said before, see Chapter 1281 13a16-[-] of Volume Three. , such a majority will commit injustice and confiscate the property of a few wealthy families.

From the perspective of both parties' interpretation of justice, we should now examine "what kind of equality can obtain the consent of both parties"?Both sides advocate that the supreme power should rest on the majority of the citizens' groups.We accept this principle (spirit), but with some modifications. 30 A city-state must have two parts (classes)—the rich and the poor.We can, of course, ascribe supreme power to the common will of the two parts (classes) or to the will of the majority of both.But maybe the two parties have different opinions on a certain political matter and want to make exactly the opposite ruling.What should you do if you encounter such differences?In this case we ascribe supreme power to the will of the majority, both numerous and rich.Here is an example to illustrate: 35 If the poor class is counted by twenty and the rich class is counted by ten, now six out of ten and fifteen out of twenty have different opinions.This situation shows that the majority of the poor classes agree with the minority of the rich classes.

Therefore, one of the two parties (the 6+5 party or the 15+4 party) represents rich and poor citizens whose output exceeds that of the other party, and should obtain the final ruling power. In some cases, it is necessary to sum up the properties of each family in the city-state to find a dividing line. Although the number of rich and poor parties divided by this line is different, the total property of the two parties is just equal.The voting method here is to count the number of people first, and then count the number of properties.In this way, when adjudicating a case, the number and property can play a voting role.The oligarchy is based on property, and some people with insufficient funds are excluded from public office names and various institutions. .The result of the calculation may sometimes happen to be the same, and there will be a deadlock; such a deadlock is often encountered in the public courts and citizens' assemblies where the two parties are equally powerful.However, this can be solved by casting lots or other similar methods. The long note at the end of the chapter of "Bakr's English Translation": It is impossible to verify whether there are examples of this kind of distribution of power in the divisions of equal production in the Greek city-states.In terms of finance, Athens has a system of comprehensive distribution of taxes according to the number of people and property.In 377 BC, Athens conducted a general property survey; afterward, citizens and their properties were divided into one hundred "equal property divisions" (συμμορα); the funds needed by the city-state each year were evenly distributed to each equal property division, Pay on time (see "Cambridge Ancient History" Volume 74, page [-]).

Before the First World War (1914-1918), the voting rights in Prussia were divided into three types: (5) the wealthy with the most wealth accounted for 15%, (80) the middle class accounted for 1318%, and ([-]) the rest of the citizens accounted for [-]%. .The three parts have different numbers, but the right to vote (vote counting) is equal due to equal property.Such a regime is consistent with that proposed in this section. . [-]b
It is difficult to sort out theoretically who holds correct views on issues of justice and equality.Yet such difficulties are insignificant compared with the more difficult task of persuading justice to be observed; and if men are powerful enough to seek self-interest, they will generally violate justice.The weak often crave justice and equality.For these, the strong have nothing to worry about. 5
From Chapter 1318 3a1318 to Chapter 5 end 1291b30 in Chapter 1292, "Su School" is used as a side reference, adding <>.Newman believes that except for the first sentence in this paragraph, which can be regarded as the conclusion of the above, the rest does not follow the above; it may also be that Aristotle himself added this chapter later. The note in Bakker's translation believes that this paragraph focuses on equality and justice, and analyzes the social foundation and characteristics of civilian regimes.This chapter revisits the varieties of civilian regimes listed in Volume 38, Chapter 1292 2b1293-10a[-], and Chapter [-] [-]b[-]-[-]a[-], but the content is somewhat different. The two chapters in Volume [-] focus on the form, and here we discuss its structure.

Of the four breeds of common government, as explained in our previous treatise, the first described first is the best, and at the same time the earliest of the breeds.However, the reason why I put it first is not because it was created first, but in order of people's class.Among the people who make up the city-state, farmers are the best class; that is, the first class. Aristotle’s concept of emphasizing agriculture has been included in Chapters 10 to 15 of Book 20 in addition to Chapters [-] and [-] of Book [-]. Once mentioned. ; [-] If the territory is full of people who live on farming and animal husbandry, it is easy to build a civilian regime.This kind of people is busy farming all year round, has little property, and has no leisure to attend the citizens' assembly.Their family does not have enough food and clothing, so they work hard every day and night; they are used to contentment, and they don't covet other people's property, and they don't have extravagant thoughts; all in all, they like working and resting between the fields, serving public affairs and participating in politics. So that they have no actual gains, so they don't want to participate. [-] The masses do not value fame and position (honor) but love material gain.The patience of the ancient tyrannies is a testament to the contentment of the peasants, and they could have continued to endure if the oligarchy did not interfere with their farming and plunder their profits.As long as they are content with farming, they will soon be able to get rid of poverty, or even fill up their granaries and achieve a well-off life.Even if these masses sometimes feel the need for political power and status, as long as electoral administrators and [-]
They are satisfied with the right to hear and review the financial reports and performance of these executives.In fact, there are some examples where masses can be content with smaller rights.In Mandinea, for example, the masses did not have the right to elect administrators—these elections were exercised by electoral bodies presumed in rotation among all citizens—but they were nonetheless given the right to deliberate. 25 Although such a political system grants limited rights to the people, it should still be regarded as a civilian government. This is how the government was implemented in Mandinea. Aristotle said that the civil government of Mandineia was around 1262 BC.Some have thought it inappropriate in this section to cite Mandinea as an ancient instance of representation.In Mandinea there was a civic assembly in which all the citizens took part in the deliberations.What is mentioned here is only that it uses the method of indirect election in terms of appointment of officials. .

Because of these circumstances, the first kind of agriculture we have dealt with before adds [agriculture] according to Buckle's English translation.According to "New School" (note on page iv511), the "first type of civilian government" mentioned here should be the government system formulated by Solon. Solon's "ancestral system" described in Twelve (refer to 1273b40-1274a3, 15-22, etc.) is consistent.Civilian government is suitable for this arrangement, to give the masses the political status generally due, on the one hand, to all citizens who should have the right to elect executives, to hear their reports, then to be examined, and to attend public courts; On the one hand, important functions must be promoted through elections, and those who are elected are limited to those who have certain property qualifications.For various functions, the heavier the responsibility he bears, the higher the property qualification requirements should be correspondingly.Or set up other regulations so that all positions do not require property conditions, but in fact only people with corresponding talents can be elected.

A city-state that formulates this kind of system can have a refined politics—the duties of the whole state are often entrusted to the best citizens. For noble and talented people,35 the people will not dislike them, and they are willing to rely on public opinion for administration—— ; and the aristocracy and noble people in this system often hold public office and will not be ruled by others or inferior people, and they can also comfort themselves by this. , found in Sophocle's "Philoctetes" (Philoctetes) 456; Plato's "Protagoras" 338B and other books; Demosynes's "Rhodian Liberty" 15. ; and because the people have the right to review administrative work, this provides a guarantee that all measures of the executive must follow the law and be in line with justice. 40. People rely on each other and restrict each other. No one can act willfully. This is actually very beneficial to everyone. 1319ɑ If human beings let him act willfully, it is difficult to guarantee that he will not trigger the viciousness in his inner human heart, see Volume III, Chapter 1287, 30a71; and Plato's "Timaeus" [-]D. .Nothing is more beneficial to any form of government than a clear sense of responsibility: entrusting government affairs to capable men and empowering the masses with due powers, thereby limiting any faults of officials.

It is evident that the plebeian government of this breed is the best; the reason being that the (agricultural) people of which it is composed have certain definite qualities.Some laws and regulations that prevailed in ancient times tried to make people engage in farming and settle down in agriculture—for example, it was absolutely forbidden for people to own excess land, and at least near the urban area or within a certain distance from the city center, allotments were restricted. Quotas are examples of agrarian laws.In many city-states, there are often such regulations: each family is not allowed to sell the originally allocated land, see Volume II, Chapter VII 5b1266. In Ellis, there is also a rule that Oxlus cannot mortgage any part or all of his property, so that any poor family can keep every field of his for a long time.The founder of Ellis, Oxlu, has always paid attention to the protection of small landowners, see "Historical Records" iv21 written by Park Lubo.

A customary prohibition, 10, forbids anyone to borrow against a portion of his estate as collateral.If a city-state does not have such laws and regulations at the beginning and the land has been merged and transferred, it can be remedied with a law similar to that of the Aphids. This law can also allow farmers to keep their fields and cultivate with peace of mind.Although the land of Aphid is small and the population is large, they have always been engaged in farming.This is due to the fact that their land registers do not give a single, whole piece of land valuation for each family.Each family's property is divided into several pieces and registered; as long as the poorer family can maintain or obtain the smallest piece, 15 is enough to obtain or maintain the property qualifications of civil rights. A small city in the Pallene region.The fertile soil of Balleny is especially suitable for growing grapes, so more people are farming.This section shows that as long as the citizenship of Afidi has "small" land, small farmers can also enjoy citizenship rights. This is also a way to reward agriculture and make poor households not easily abandon their fields. .

As the basis of civilian government, the herding population, which lives on cattle, sheep and herds, should be the best after the agricultural population.Many of the sentiments (natures) of herdsmen are similar to those of farmers, and their physique is particularly strong; due to the living habits of camping in the wilderness, everyone is well-trained for war.Other kinds of people, upon which other kinds of common government are based, are almost invariably humbler than farmers and herdsmen.Merchandisers, servants, and craftsmen, etc., listed people’s occupation categories under Chapter 25 1291b17 of Juan Volume 65. This chapter only discusses the 287th category, and fishery, sailing, and navigation are not discussed. , all engage in lowly business to make a living, and their various labors are not worthy of praise.Gathering and wandering between shopping malls and urban areas, this kind of people is different from the scattered villages of farm families, chickens and dogs, they rarely interact with each other, and they are not keen on social and political gatherings, but they are also willing to participate in the civic assembly in various parts of Greece. State merchants and craftsmen often enter the market to sell goods, servants enter the market to be hired, and commoners often wander in the market and wander around the port (see the situation of Byzantine civilians described in "The Fragment of Seopangpu" [-], "History of Greece" by Müller Remnants" Volume [-] [-].

"Diodorus" i747 mentioned that all the Egyptians worked hard and accumulated materials, while the people of the Greek city-states gathered in the market every day, discussing political affairs, and abandoned their industries. "Park Lubo" volume 2873, mentioned that the venues for the citizens' assemblies of many city-states were set up in the market.The civic assembly at Delphi is also called the "Market Assembly" (,, αγοραι), see Dittenberg: "Greek Epistle Collection" No. 313.When discussing certain issues, the Athenian Citizens' Assembly also had a time to gather in the market place (see page 288 of the English translation of "Greek Political Constitution" by Gilbert). . 30 If the rural area of ​​a city-state dominated by farming and animal husbandry is far away from the urban area, for example, if the city is built on the seashore or on a promontory, its pastures and cultivated land are generally inland, and the living areas of the farming and animal husbandry population are also far away from the city .As explained in the next sentence, Aristotle believes that too many meetings are not good for politics and harmful to family business. "Plux" viii116, said that the Athens Citizens' Assembly would only gather suburban residents when holding particularly important political meetings. , It is also conducive to the construction of a good republic or civilian government.In this way, most of the country's population will settle in the farmlands in the countryside. Even if there are still some people in the city,35 then a democratic political system can also formulate such regulations. Citizens' Assembly.

We have now shown how the best first kind of civil government should be established.According to these instructions, it also shows how the other varieties should be built.They include the lower class 40 (parts) in turn, so they deviate step by step from the first type. If this sentence is completely translated literally according to the original text, many abbreviated words must be added to understand: "(Originally) excluded from ( The people (categories) other than citizenship are progressively inferior, and other forms of government (including these categories) are progressively more deviant."

(End of this chapter)